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BY THE LATE W. E. CHANNING, D. D.
IT is the common and almost universal belief, that the right of war belongs to civil government. Let us be just to human nature. The idea of Right has always mixed itself with war; and this has kept out of view the real character of most of the conflicts of nations. The sovereign, regarding the right of war as an essential attribute of sovereignty, has on this ground ascribed a legitimacy to all national hostilities, and has never dreamed that in most of his wars he was a murderer. So the subject has thought himself bound to obey his sovereign, and, on this ground, has acquitted himself of crime, has perhaps imputed to himself merit, in fighting and slaughtering for the defence of the most iniquitous claims. Here lies the delusion which we should be the most anxious to remove. It is the legality, ascribed to war on account of its being waged by government, which produces insensibility to its horrors and crimes. When a notorious robber, seized by Alexander, asked the conqueror of the world, whether he was not a greater robber than himself, the spirit of the hero repelled the title with indignation. And why so? Had he not, without provocation or cause, spoiled cities and realms, whilst the robber had plundered only individuals and single dwellings? Had he not slaughtered ten thousand innocent fellow-creatures for one victim who had fallen under the robber's knife? And why then did the arch-robber disclaim the name, and seriously believe, that he could not justly be confounded with ruffians ? Because he was a King, the head of a state, and as such, authorized to make war. Here was the shelter for his conscience and his fame. Had the robber, after addressing his question to Alexander, turned to the Macedonian
VOL. VII - NO. 3. - MONTHLY.
26 The Alleged Right of War in Government. [March.
soldier, and said to him, "Are you not too, a greater robber than I? Have not your hands been busier in pillage ? Are they not dyed more deeply in innocent blood?" The unconscious soldier, like his master, would have repelled the title; and why? "I am a subject," he would have replied, "and bound to obey my sovereign ; and, in fulfilling a duty, I cannot be sunk to the level of the most hated criminal." Thus king and subject take refuge in the right of war which is supposed to inhere in sovereignty, and thus the most terrible crimes are perpetrated with little reproach.
I need not tell you, that there are Christians who, to strip war of this pretext or extenuation, deny that this right exists ; who teach, that Jesus Christ has wrested the sword from the magistrate as truly as from the private roan. On this point I shall not note enter I believe, that more good may be done, in the present instance, by allowing to government the right of war. I still maintain, that most wars bring the guilt of murder oil the government by whom they are declared, and on the soldier by who in they are carried on, so that our sensibility ought in no degree to be impaired by the supposed legitimacy of national hostilities.
I will allow, that government has the right of war. But a right has bounds ; and when these are transgressed by its, it ceases to exist; and the are as culpable, as if it had never existed. A higher authority than man's defines this terrible prerogative. Wo ! wo to him, who impatiently, selfishly, spurns the restraints of God, and winks out of sight the crime of sending forth the sword to destroy, because, as a sovereign, he has the right of war.
From its very nature, this right should be exercised above all others anxiously, deliberately, fearfully. It is the right of passing sentence of death on thousands of our fellow-creatures. If any action on earth ought to be performed with trembling, with deep prostration before God, with the most solemn inquisition into motives, with the most reverent consultation of conscience, it is a declaration of war. This stands alone among acts of legislation. It has no parallel. These few words, "Let war be," have the power of desolation which belongs to earthquakes and lightnings; they may stain the remotest seas with blood ; may wake the echoes of another hemisphere with the thunders of artillery ; may carry anguish into a thousand human abodes. Terrible is the responsibility, beyond that of all others, which falls on him who involves nations in war. He has no excuse for rashness, passion, or private ends. He ought at such a moment to forget, to annihilate himself. The spirit of God and
1847.] The Alleged Right of War in Government. 27
justice should alone speak and act through him. To commit this act rashly, passionately, selfishly, is to bring on himself the damnation of a thousand murders. An act of legislation commanding fifty thousand men to be assembled on Boston common, there to be shot, stabbed, trampled under horses' feet, until their shrieks and agonies should end in death, would thrill us with horror. Yet such an act is a declaration of war ; and a government which can perform it, without the most solemn sense of responsibility, and the clearest admonitions of duty, deserves to endure the whole amount of torture which it has inflicted oil its fellow-creatures.
I have said, a declaration of war stands alone. There is one act which approaches it, and which indeed is the very precedent on which it is founded. I refer to the signing of a death-warrant by a chief magistrate. In this case, how anxious is society that the guilty only should suffer ! The offender is first tried by his peers, and allowed the benefit of skilful counsel. The laws are expounded, and the evidence weighed, by learned and upright judges; and when, after these protections of innocence, the unhappy than is convicted, he is allowed to appeal for mercy to the highest authority of the State, acid to enforce his own cry by solicitations of friends and the people; and when all means of averting his doom fail, religion, through her ministers, enters his cell, to do what yet can be clone for human nature in its most fallen, miserable state. Society does not cast from its bosom its most unworthy member without reluctance, without grief, without fear of doing wrong, without care for his happiness. But wars, by which thousands of the unoffending and worthiest perish, are continually proclaimed by rulers in madness, through ambition, through infernal policy, front motives which rank them with the captains of pirate-ships, or leaders of banditti.
It is time that the right of war should not shield governments from the infamy due to hostilities to which selfish, wicked passions give birth. Let rulers learn, that for this right, they are held to a fearful responsibility. Let a war, not founded in plain justice and necessity, never be named but as Murder. Let the Christian give articulate voice to the blood that cries from the earth against rulers by whom it has been criminally shed. Let no soft terms be used. On this subject, a new moral sense, and a new language, are needed through out the civilized and Christian world ; and just in proportion as the truth shall find a tone, war will cease.
But the right of war, which is said to belong to sovereignty, not only keeps out of sight the enormous guilt of rulers in almost all
28 The Alleged Right of War in Government. [March.
national conflicts; it also hides or extenuates the frequent guilt of subjects in taking part in the hostilities which their rulers declare. In this way, much of the prevalent insensibility to the evils of war is induced, and perhaps on no point is light more needed. The ferocity and cruelty of armies impress us little, because we look on them as doing a work of duty. The subject or citizen, as we think, is bound to obey his rulers. In his worst deeds as a soldier, he is discharging his obligations to the State ; and thus murder and pillage, covered with a cloak of duty, excite no deep, unaffected reprobation and horror.
I know it will be asked, "Is not the citizen bound to fight at the call of his government? Does not his commission absolve him from the charge of murder, or enormous crime? Is not obedience to the sovereign power the very foundation on which society rests?" I answer, has the duty of obeying government no bounds ? Is the human sovereign a God ! Is his sovereignty absolute ! If he command you to slay a parent, must you obey ! If he forbid you to worship God, must you obey ? Have you no right to judge his acts? Have you no self-direction? Is there no unchangeable right which the ruler cannot touch? Is there no higher standard than human law ? These questions answer themselves. A declaration of war cannot sanction wrong, or turn murder into a virtuous deed. Undoubtedly, as a general rule, the citizen is bound to obey the authorities under which he lives. No difference of opinion as to the mere expediency of measures, will warrant opposition. Even in cases of doubtful right, he may submit his judgement to the law. But when called to do what his conscience clearly pronounces wrong, he must not waver. No outward law is so sacred as the voice of God in his own breast. He cannot devolve on rulers an act so solemn, as the destruction of fellow-beings convicted of no offence. For no act will more solemn inquisition be made at the bar of God.
I maintain, that the citizen, before fighting, is bound to inquire into the justice of the cause which he is called to maintain with blood, and bound to withhold his hand, if his conscience condemn the cause. On this point he is able to judge. No political question, indeed, can be determined so easily as this of tear. War can be justified only by plain, palpable necessity ; by unquestionable wrongs which, as patient trial has proved, can in no other way be redressed ; by the obstinate, persevering invasion of solemn and unquestionable rights. The justice of war is not a mystery for cabinets to solve. It is not a state-secret which we must take on trust. It lies within our reach. We are bound to examine it.
1847.] The Alleged Right of War in Government. 29
The presumption is always against the justice and necessity of war. This we learn from the spirit of all rulers and nations towards foreign states. It is partial, unjust. Individual, may be disinterested ; but nations have no feeling of the tie of brotherhood to their race. A base selfishness is the principle on which the affairs of nations are commonly conducted. A statesman is expected to take advantage of the weakness and wants of other countries. How loose a morality governs the intercourse of states ! What false hoods and intrigues are licensed by diplomacy ! What nation regards another with true friendship ? What nation makes sacrifices to another's good! What nation is as anxious to perform its duties, as to assert its rights? What nation chooses to suffer wrong rather than to inflict it ! What nation lays down the everlasting law of right, casts itself fearlessly on its principles, and chooses to be poor, or to perish rather than to do wrong? Can communities so selfish, so unfriendly, so unprincipled, so unjust, be expected to wage righteous wars ! Especially if with this selfishness are joined national prejudices, antipathies, and exasperated passions, what else call be expected in the public policy but inhumanity and crime? An individual, we know, cannot be trusted in his own cause, to treasure his own claims, to avenge his own wrongs; and the civil magistrate, an impartial umpire, has been substituted as the only means of justice. But stations are even more unfit than individuals to judge its their own cause; more prone to push their rights to excess, and to trample on the rights of others; because nations are crowds, and crowds are unawed by opinion, and more easily inflamed by sympathy into madness Is there not then always a presumption against the justice of war ?
This presumption is increased, when we consider the false notions of patriotism and honor which prevail its nations. Men think it a virtuous patriotism to throw a mantle, as they call it, over their country's infirmities, to wink at her errors, to assert her most doubtful rights, to look jealously and merrily on the prosperity of rival states; and they place her honor not in unfaltering adherence to the right, but in a fiery spirit, its quick resentment, in martial courage, and especially in victory. Can a good man hold himself bound to engage in war at the dictate of such a state?
The citizen or subject, you say, may innocently fight at the call of his rulers; and I ask, who are his rulers ! Perhaps an absolute sovereign, looking down on his people as another race, as created to toil for his pleasure, to fight for new provinces, to bleed for his renown. There are indeed republican governments. But were not
3*
30 The Alleged Right of War in Government [March.
the republics of antiquity as greedy of conquest, as prodigal of human life, as steeled against the cries of humanity, as ally despots who ever lived? And if we come down to modern republics, are they to be trusted with our consciences? What clues the Congress of these United States represent ? Not so much the virtue of the country, as a vicious principle, the spirit of party. It acts not so much for the people as for parties; and are parties upright? Are parties merciful? Are the wars to which party commits a country, generally just?
Unhappily, public, men, under all governments, are, of all moral guides, the most unsafe, the last for a Christian to follow. Public life is thought to absolve men from the strict obligations of truth and justice. To wrong and adverse party, or another country, is not reprobated, as are wrongs in private life. Thus duty is dethroned ; thus the majesty of virtue is insulted in the administration of nations. Public men are expected to think more of their own elevation than of their country. Is the city of Washington the most virtuous spot in this republic? Is it the school of incorruptible men? Public bodies want conscience. Men acting in masses, shift off responsibility on one another. Multitudes never blush. If these things be true, then I maintain, that the Christian has not a right to take part in war blindly, confidingly, at the call of his rulers. To shed the blood of fellow-creatures is too solemn a work to be engaged in lightly. Let him not meet on the field his brother man, his brother Christian, in a cause on which heaven frowns. Let him bear witness against unholy wars, as his country's greatest crimes. If called to take part in than, let him deliberately refuse. If martial law seize on him, let him submit. If hurried to prison, let him submit. If brought thence to be shot, let him submit. There must be martyrs to peace as truly as to other principles of our religion. The first Christians chose to die, rather than obey the laws of the state which commanded them to renounce their Lord. "Death rather than crime!" - such is the good man's watch-word ; such the Christian's vow. Let him be faithful unto death.
Undoubtedly it will be objected, that if one law of the state may in any way be resisted, then all may be, and so government must fall. This is precisely the argument on which the doctrine of passive obedience to the worst tyrannies rests. The absolutist says, "if one government may be overturned, none can stand. Your right of revolution is nothing but the right of anarchy, of universal misrule." The reply is in both instances the same. Extreme cases speak for
themselves. We must put confidence in the common sense of men,
1847.] Misconceptions respecting the Society. 31
and suppose then capable of distinguishing between reasonable laws, and those which require them to commit manifest crimes. The objection which we are considering, rests on the supposition, that a declaration of war is a common act of legislation, bearing no strong marks of distinction from other laws, and consequently to be obeyed as implicitly. But it is broadly distinguished. A declaration of war sends its forth to destroy our fellow-creatures, to carry fire, sword, famine, bereavement, want and wo into the fields and habitations of our brethren ; whilst Christianity, conscience, and all the pure affections of our nature, call us to love our brethren, and to die, if need be, for their good. And from whence comes this declaration of war ? From men who would rather die than engage in unjust or unnecessary conflict? Too probably, from men to whom Christianity is a name, whose highest law is honor, who are used to avenge their private wrongs, and defend their reputations by shedding blood, and who, in public as in private life, defy the laws of God. Whoever at such men's dictation, engages in war, without solemnly consulting conscience, and inquiring into the justice of the cause, contracts great guilt ; nor can the "right of war" which such men claim as rulers, absolve him from the crimes and woes of the conflict in which he shares.
We find, since the issue of our last number; some misconceptions of our Society afloat in certain quarters, and deem it proper to correct then by simply re-stating our position and course. When the public, nearly ten years ago, were led by the Non-Resistance Society to confound our enterprise with theirs, we merely republished, to the entire satisfaction of our friends, a tract which had been stereotyped by us several years before under the eye of our founder, the late William Ladd ; and the most effectual way to rectify erroneous impressions now, would be, if we had space, to send forth that same tract as the best exposition we could give of the course the we uniformly pursued.
The Society, as such, has never departed from that course ; but, in consequence of positions taken by some of our official representatives oat their own responsibility, the impression, whether right or wrong, prevailed for a time among our friends, if not generally in the community, that we were blending a variety of foreign topics with the cause of peace. The question could no longer be evaded;
32 Misconceptions respecting the Society. [March.
and our Society, at its last annual meeting, took up the matter, and with great unanimity passed the resolutions, 'that the Society confine itself strictly to the single object of abolishing International War; that it be with special care kept entirely distinct from anti-government, capital punishment, and all other extraneous subjects ; that the basis of the First General Peace Convention in London, 1843, viz., the inconsistency of War with Christianity, and the true interests of mankind, be regarded as the proper basis of cooperation in the cause of peace; that all persons, willing for any reason to labor for the abolition of this custom, be, as they have been from the origin of the Society, invited, whatever their views respecting defensive wars, to unite with its in this enterprise, and the Society be conducted in a way to render such co-operation practicable, consistent and cordial.' In strict accordance with these resolutions, and particularly in view of the fact, that some of the modern non-resistant came into our last annual meeting, and boldly claimed the phraseology of our constitution as endorsing their government theory, and measures for disunion, the draft of a revised constitution was in October last submitted in a circular to our members without an argument on either side, and the question proposed, as the main point at issue, whether the constitution should be so altered as to exclude moderate peacemen. To this question only one out of hundreds answered yes ; and on the receipt of these responses, our President and a few of his friends retired from office, not upon the issue, whether any species of war is compatible with Christianity, an issue we have in this cage neither proposed nor accepted, but upon the issue, so fairly presented by the Society, whether the moderate friends of peace shall be excluded, or the cause so managed as to render practicable, consistent and cordial the co-operation of all that are willing for any reason to labor for the abolition of war.
1. We plead, then, only for the course pursued by our Society under its venerable founder, and merely resist the efforts started during the last two years to radicalize its policy, and introduce such changes as would exclude under reproach the very class of peacemen who have for the most part made our Society what it is.
2. We merely adhere in good faith to the course prescribed at our last annual meeting by so decisive a majority of our Society, about ten to one ; a course to which the very gentlemen lately retired then gave their assent, and expressly pledged themselves as the recognized condition of their being re-elected to the offices they have at length resigned!
1847.] Misconceptions respecting the Society. 33
3. The Constitution now proposed, so far from changing the general course hitherto pursued in this cause by nearly all friends of peace, is strictly conformed to that course, and adopts, word for word, the above basis of the London Convention, viz., Regarding war as inconsistent with Christianity, and the true interests of mankind, the SOLE object of this Society shall be to seek its abolition, and promote universal and permanent peace.
4. The Society still retains the standard publications it has all along used - those of the London Peace Society, and the writings on peace of such men as Erasmus, and Worcester, and Ladd, and Channing, and Dymond, and Gurney, and Malcom, and Jay, and even Mr. Coues himself, a fine tract from whose pen we have stereotyped as one of our series.
In view of these statements, it will be seen with how little truth we are represented by some of our late associates as "bending to merge with the easy highway of the multitude," and the public are told that there is "no disqualifying reason why the Mexican and American soldiers who stabbed at each other's hearts in the streets of Monterey, might not alternately subscribe to the highest article of faith remaining in the Society's creed, and that too with the points of their bayonets newly dipped in human blood!" Mr. Burritt, in his absence from the country, must have been strangely misinformed; for there is nothing in our constitution, or publications, or uniform course, nor is likely to be any thing, that can for a moment justify such representations.
Our difficulty is an old one. It is essentially the same that we had some years ago with the Non-Resistance Society; and it all arose and reached its heights before any proposal was made to alter our constitution at all. We could easily give a history and all explanation of the whole thing, but hope it may never become necessary. Most of our late associates in office were not at home with us ; and at length it became evident to themselves, as to others, that, with their views, and habits, and modes of management, they could not be comfortable as leaders in such a society as ours, and that the class of men hitherto united with us in this cause, would not work cheerfully and harmoniously under their auspices. So they wisely concluded to retire ; and our best wishes, go with them. We would leave them, as we do all our friends, to work for our great object in the way they like best. We are glad if they have found methods of peace more congenial than ours to their taste, and shall rejoice to see them correcting, as we think experience will in due time correct, some of those errors which brought so much embarrassment upon our Society
34 Misconceptions respecting the Society. [March.
under their temporary auspices. We regard theta of course as sincere friends of our cause, and hope they will in their own way do far more for peace than they ever did or could in ours. There is a class of radical men whom we have never reached as a body; men who would never work harmoniously with our sort of peacemen, even though we agreed with them in sentiment; a class of men who have seldom come near its, and when they did, were always sure to embroil us in difficulty. Here is a fair and open field for our former associates; and we trust they will call out the full strength of this class, and use it well for the promotion of universal peace. God speed every effort honestly made for the banishment of all war, and all the spirit of war, and all the implements of war, from the whole world forever ; nor can we doubt that every member of our Society will join in a hearty amen to this prayer. Division, rightly managed, may in this case, as in that of temperance, be made to mean, not conflict, but the most effectual co-operation for a great common object. We devoutly hope it may be so; for our cause needs all the aid it can obtain front any source. We extend our best wishes to the League of universal Brotherhood ; so far as it aims only at universal peace, we welcome it as a hopeful auxiliary in its sphere; and, though the cannot as a Society endorse its free-trade, or any of its other implied doctrines or objects, we shall nevertheless rejoice most heartily to see it accomplishing tenfold more than its most sanguine friends can expect, to make all men love each other as brethren, and to introduce the glorious era when nations shall learn war no more.
A word now to the friends of peace through the community. We have all along assured our late associates, that the cause of peace, if brought aright before the Christian public, would in due time secure very general support from good men. We are not, left, they say, to try the experiment; and we trust, despite their forebodings, we shall not be disappointed in the confidence we have reposed in you, but shall find our brethren in the church and the ministry friends of peace in deed and in truth. We rely under God upon your sympathies and prayers, your personal efforts and pecuniary contributions, all which we need, especially at a time when the war-spirit is so rife through the land, and our country is involved in all the guilt and evils of actual warfare. We find of late a very encouraging increase of liberality towards our cause; but we need, in order to meet in full the demands of the present crisis, a far greater amount of funds than we have ever yet received. The society was left by our late associates in office with nothing in its treasury ; and our sole reliance under God is now on the weekly contributions of its friends.
1847.] A Specimen of our Difficulties. 35
A SPECIMEN OF OUR DIFFICULTIES. - Since the foregoing was written, the following illustration of our difficulties - their nature and their origin - has providentially fallen into our hands. The Rev. J. N. GRANGER, Pastor of the First Baptist Church in Providence, R. L, says in a note to a recently published Thanksgiving Sermon:
"So far as I am acquainted with the doctrines and measures of the American Peace Society, I deem them to be eminently Christian; and that is giving them the best name in my power to give. They are wise and safe, and, if adhered to, must yet prevail. But nothing can be more unlike them than what is taught in most of the Peace Conventions, which have been held of late years in New England. I have listened to the discussions of only one ; but I have read the reports of others, and have conversed with gentlemen whose character and means of information give the highest value to their testimony. * * At a Peace Convention field in this city in January last, they told the objector that those accounts of David and Moses were contained in old Jewish writings, of doubtful age and authority; they were written, no one knew by whom or when, and were preserved, no one knew how. * * Now, for one, I am free to say, that I dread the loss of the Old Testament, more than I dread any war." &c. &c.
We perceive that Mr. Burritt's Citizen complains of this as "a mean and miserable (!) attempt to mislead," and "pities the man who has so much malignity (!) in his heart as thus to slander such men as Coues, and Walker," and others who lately retired from office in our Society. Not having attended any of the conventions in question, we cannot say how far Mr. Granger's conception of them is correct; but we early learned that they actually left on the minds of many among our most intelligent and trust worthy friends, the very impression which Mr. G. describes. We cannot suppose he meant to assail the gentlemen's character, all of whom we well know to have many and varied excellencies; he merely says that their doctrines and measures he regards as in some respects anti-Christian. This impression he shares with multitudes of good men; and we might quote even stronger expressions than he uses. Those conventions, indeed, were all held on the personal responsibility of the men who conducted them ; but, as the chief speakers were then officers of our Society, and as the Advocate, while in Mr. Burritt's hands, seldom reported any thing but those conventions as done in this country for peace, although they were not a tithe of what was actually done, the inference by the public was well nigh unavoidable, that such men and such views were the true, if not the sole representatives of our cause. It should, however, be borne in mind, that our Society has never made itself responsible in any way for such sayings and doings as those complained of by Mr. Granger.
36 Another Chapter on the Mexican War. [March.
HOW THE VOLUNTEERS ARE TREATED FROM THEIR OUTSET. - The Sun, a daily paper of Philadelphia, publishes (Jan. 26, 1847) a letter from a Philadelphia volunteer to his friend, dated New Orleans, Jan. 11, 1847, and fully endorses for its credibility, saying, that "the writer is incapable of making a false statement," and adding, "we have seen other accounts which fully corroborate the present one."
"We arrived," says the volunteer, "at Harrisburg about 9 o'clock at night, when all of us were stowed in the hold of a canal boat, (about 190 men,) about 30 of whom had to stand while the rest tried to sleep. After leaving, the boat at Hollidaysburg, we took the cars to cross the mountains; and pretty looking cars they were ! having no windows, the glass being broke out! The men were nearly frozen stiff. We next took boat again at Johnstown, and we had to undergo the same usage as in the first boat; and after a journey of two days, we arrived in Pittsburg. Here we were taken to the United States Hotel, and eight men stowed in a room - each man had to take his knapsack for a pillow, and a little straw for a bed. After being there three days, we were called on for our board, each man having to pay $1 per day out of his wages, and that after being drafted into the service !
I suppose you know that it was understood our passage was to be free to Pittsburg ; but it turned out to be quite the contrary - each man having to pay $5.50 passage money, besides $1.50 for coffee on the rout, having to drink coffee without sugar and milk, and having but one bag of coffee for the whole company, consisting of 92 privates, which made $138 for the bag! So that after the men had received their $21 for clothing, and deducting expenses, we had but little left.
After being at Pittsburg five days, we went on board of the steamboat Circasian, on our way to New Orleans, and a hard time we had of it - quite the contrary to what we had imagined - there being two full companies, as Capt. Bennett's company was with us - and a finer set of young men I never saw. At breakfast we lead some hard biscuit, and souse slush they called coffee ; but at home I would call it dish-water. At dinner we had about 40 pounds of meat fur nearly 200 men! This continued until we reached New Orleans, where we were sent on shore to get something to eat; those having money providing for those having none, and by so doing we had the first good meal from the time we left Pittsburg. After that we were ordered on board steamboat, and were taken to the battle ground of the 8th, where we are now encamped. For the first three nights we had to sleep on the bare ground, after which they (gave us some hay to lie on ; and part of the time we had to live oil three crackers and a cup of coffee per day. Yesterday I was detailed as one of the guard, and it was just such a day as last election, only a great deal colder, and like the rest of our comrades, I was without a change. I am now sitting in my tent, in my drawers, my clothes being hung out to dry. I am seated on a plank to keep me out of the water our straw is in such a condition as no reasonable man could allow a good pig to sleep on, and it is a great wonder that there are no more on the sick list.
We attach no blame to our officers, as they have spent nearly their last cent to promote the comfort of the men. But of this I am satisfied, that were we back in old Philly, they could not get ten of the whole regiment to come again. Our quarter-master, on making complaint to the assistant quarter-master of the United States, (who, by the way, is a true Englishman,) received the following consoling answer; 'You will have it a good deal worse when you get to Mexico.' There have been a number of desertions; and if they keep us here a week longer, I shall not be surprised if we have a general mutiny in the camp.
1847.] Another Chapter on the Mexican War. 37
Some people think a soldier's life a lazy one, but if they were with us they would soon find their mistake; for we have, daily, three regimental parades, one of which lasts three hours; three company drills of one hour each, besides five roll calls, also twelve men are detailed each day for guard, and through the day we experience the heat of July, and in the night the fog is so heavy as to wet us through, and having no clothes for a change when relieved from guard, makes us feel very uncomfortable. While writing, have received the good news to get ready to start to-morrow for Tampico, which was joyfully received by the men, as we shall have a dry berth on shipboard for one week at least, and after we arrive, the quicker they settle the business, the better for us. There would be fewer lives lost in a well-fought battle than in an encampment of two months. If we are kept as we are, not one-half of the regiment will return home. I must now close by sending my best respects to all the boys, hoping they will not be caught in the same trap ; for if God spares me this time, I will not be caught in such a scrape again."
DESERTIONS; OR THE SOLDIER'S PATRIOTISM PUT TO THE TEST. - It seems that many of our brave and patriotic (!) defenders, who went all the way to Mexico in quest of an enemy, liked Mexican silver quite as well as our own, and probably for pretty much the same reason that they had enlisted, begun to desert in such numbers that the most stringent measures became necessary to check the evil, as the following extracts fully prove:
"Two Frenchmen, in addition to the 'big-bug' Mexicans, have been arrested on a charge of tampering with our soldiers, and offering them inducements to desert. There will be a pretty hanging match here some of these days. A volunteer Lieut. Colonel dressed himself in a private's clothes, and was readily accepted as a voluntario, and given an order on a man about 10 leagues distant, for the money and horse promised him. The one who gave the order was immediately arrested, and the Colonel started for his reward, but not alone - he took 20 good men with him, and will doubtless return in the course of the day with several of those who preferred the Mexican to the American service, and also with the individuals who pay out the Mexican dollars.
The trial of the Alcade's son and others, engaged in tampering with our men, is set for to-morrow. I should not exactly say trial, for it will be more in the shape of a court of inquiry at first. I saw this young Arcade this morning in prison. He is a young and very interesting man, and was weighed down to the ground with irons, not that They fear his escape, but to deter others from following in his footsteps. At first it was thought that but few men were engaged in the business, but it is now clearly ascertained that many of the principal men in the place have had a finger in the pie, and since the first arrest, many of the first families of Monterey have left, and the population of the place has decreased in that time nearly 1000. The 7th regiment has lost many men by desertion, and I have since ascertained that the number I spoke of before (forty) as leaving deserted, may be safely trebled, and all since the 25th of Sept. The regulars have invariably gone to the enemy; but what few of the volunteers have left us sans ceremonie, have made tracks for a Christmas dinner in the white settlements. The friends of those arrested - particularly the Arcade - fear the worst, and if they were hung in the Plaza, as Taylor threatened, they would not be much surprised."
How popular must such a war be! How will it fulfil the promise of its originators and early supporters, that it would conciliate the good will of the Mexican people, and seduce them from their government to our own! Instead of this, our soldiers go Over in large numbers to the Mexicans!!
The patriotism of recruits for this war often began to cool off quite early. We believe, that in some cases scarce half the number that enlisted, could be found at the call to be mustered into actual service; and in the city of
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VOL. VII--No. 4. - MONTHLY.
38 Another Chapter on the Mexican War. [April.
New York, 902 deserters were at different times advertised in the National Police Gazette. Our people are not yet miserable enough to be long content with the hard and loathsome business of war; and wo to our country whenever they shall look to such a refuge from poverty and misery.
A pretty significant indication on this point is found in the number of volunteers discharged. In the Congressional discussions on the bill to raise ten more regiments, the fact leaked out, that one third of the whole number have been sent home, or let off from the service, no less than 5,079 under the command of one general ! What a comment on the continuance of their belligerent patriotism ! Mr. Haralson, Chairman of the Military Committee in the House, read a communication addressed to him by the Adjutant General of the army, from which it appeared that of the 703 officers and 15,995 non-commissioned officers, &c., making an aggregate of volunteer forces under General Taylor of 16,698 men, there had been discharged, up to the 7th of December, 5,079. Of the officers(!) eighty-six had been discharged 'at their own request.' Of these, 19 were from Ohio; 15 from Kentucky; 12 from Tennessee; 3 from Indiana ; 19 from Illinois; 2 from Georgia; 4 from Alabama; 7 from Mississippi; 5 from Baltimore and Washington battalion. Twelve had been honorably discharged on account of' 'ill health'; two for 'important private reasons'; one for 'weighty reasons'; and one had resigned as lieutenant, and entered his company as a private. Eight staff officers had resigned, making a total of ninety-four volunteer officers discharged and resigned up to the 7th of December, inclusive. This, be it remembered, did not include the volunteers under Generals Wool and Kearny.
BATTLE SKETCHES.
"The night of the 20th," says one of the combatants at Monterey, "being dark and rainy, and consequently favorable for operations, our battery of 24-pound howitzers and the mortar were established in a hollow opposite the main work, and about thirteen hundred yards off, with orders to open on the old Cathedral, which is strongly fortified, so soon as we should hear the fire from Gen. Worth's division. Accordingly at 7 o'clock we commenced throwing shells. The enemy returned it pretty briskly with round shot, and soon got the range of our pieces. While in this position, we lost one man and a horse. At about 9 A. M. the 1st and 3d Infantry and Baltimore Battalion, advanced on our left, and engaged the enemy, who occupied an advanced redoubt, and the hedges and houses in the suburbs of the town. The Tennessee Regiment was sent forward to their support. This brought on a general action, and in succession the Ohio, Mississippi, and 4th Regiment of U. S. Infantry, Ridgely's and Bragg's batteries, were thrown forward. The enemy had a flank fire of artillery from their main work on the troops as they advanced, and a direct fire from the town and batteries. The extreme right battery of four guns was carried with the bayonet, the enemy deserting their guns with the utmost precipitation. The first division, charged past this battery, and passing another battery and several breastworks still in the hands of the enemy, charged into the heart of the town. This was a fatal mistake. Without any definite object in view, they found themselves in a network of fortifications, exposed to a murderous fire of grape and musketry from the hedges and houses on their right and left, front and rear, along the narrow streets in which they were penned up. The consequence was, they were terribly cut up. The 3d and 4th Infantry will hardly muster a company strong ! The Baltimore Battalion lost Col. Watson, and was, like the rest of the command, for the time, scattered. The remnant of this devoted band was recalled, and rallied in the ravine where our battery was situated. At this time our guns (24-pound howitzers) were ordered to advance, and support Ridgely's guns that were playing on the second battery, exposed to a galling fire of musketry and shells. One was put into the road, and opened with shells, spherical case and canister, at
1847. Another Chapter on the Mexican War. 39
about two hundred yards. I served and pointed this gun for upwards of half all hour, and during that time was the mark for their fire. I had one ball through the collar of my coat, and one through the skirt. My horse was shot through the shoulder, and finally mortally wounded through the head gander me. How I escaped is incomprehensible. We occupied this position, and kept up an incessant fire until late in the afternoon."
"During the second day's fight," says another one on the spot," a flag of cessation was sent to the Mexicans, requesting, a few hours to bury the dead, which were strewn in frightful piles over the field. This was refused, and the wounded and dead lay where they fell, beneath the rays of the scorching sun, till the battle was ended. It was then almost impossible for our union to endure the stench, while they heaped dirt over the poor fellows where they lay. The bodies of the dead were as blade as coals; many of them were stripped of their clothing by the Mexicans during the night. Several of those who were wounded during the first day's fight, crawled into ditches and holes to avoid the balls which were rolling like hail-stones over the field, whence, exhausted by the loss of blood, they were unable to crawl, or give sins of distress. As a consequence, many perished, though some who were found in this condition were removed, and are recovering."
"We arrived," says one of the Tennessee regiment, "in front of the forts and batteries - the Ohioans and Kentuckians on the right, the Tennesseeans and Mississippians in the centre, the Baltimoreans and Regulars on the left lit that position we stood the cannonading, for at least half an hour. There our brave and lamented Captain partook of a hearty meal, and said, 'Boys, if I lie to-day, I shall die with a full stomach.' The order the Tennesseeans had was, 'left flank, charge, men, charge.' Our company was in front, and ever and anon could our Captain's voice be heard saying, 'Come on, my brave boys, come on, close up, close up.' In that position for near two miles were we exposed to the raking fire of two batteries, and the rioted black fort, one ball taking effect in our company, which sent seven brave souls to eternity. Then again was the shout from our brave Captain heard through the ranks, 'come on, brave boys, come on.' About seventy yards from the fort the command 'halt' was given, and then the fight with musketry commenced. Alien's voice was then again steadily heard saying, Boys, take good aim, don't let them fire that cannon again' And well they obeyed that command, for that cannon ceased to fire. Our Captain was shot through the breast with a musket bail, and looked around and said, 'I am dying - hurra, my brave boys!' He died bravely, with his sword unsheathed, and firmly grasped in his hand. The word charge was then given; and Lawrence county has the honor of having the first men there." - This account, we believe, was given to the captain's father, a minister of the gospel, for his consolation ! !
ANOTHER SKETCH OF WAR AS IT IS. - ATTACK ON TOBASCO. - "The place was summoned to surrender, and the authorities at length informed that the remainder of the afternoon and the night would be allowed them to remove their women and children, and, unless the town was surrendered in the mean time, the fleet would again open, the fire, and demolish their houses about their ears. The Mexicans opened a fire of musketry upon our vessels at about 6 o'clock on the morning of the 26th. The commodore returned the fire with small arms, and from the batteries of the different vessels. The Nonata opened her 42 lb. carronades upon the town, and carried destruction into its very centre, riddling the houses, or demolishing them in part, as the heavy balls went on their mission of devastation, misery and death. The Forward let play her battery with great effect, and the small arms from all the vessels directed their shots wherever the Mexicans were seen shooting from the streets, the windows, or the tops of he houses; while the Vixen and the Bonito added to the deeds of destruction and blood, which were going on.
40 Another Chapter on the Mexican War. [April.
After an hour's bombardment of the town, and the return of the Mexican musketry, a flag of truce wits sent down by the foreign consuls. Great destruction had been done to the town, and much suffering created by the balls from the fleet, killing and wounding the people in the town, women and children, and it was hoped by the consuls and the citizens that the firing of the fleet would cease, although the military force of the town would not surrender it. While the officers were on the deck to meet the flag of truce, a resident presented himself, covered with blood, and imploringly entreated that it stop might be pat to the horrid scene which was enacted, against which the blood of his wife and child was now crying. It was said, that while his wife was clinging to her husband, a cannon ball had killed her in his arms; and she was in American born woman, though of Italian parents. It made my heart sick, as did other scenes touch the feelings of others, while they stood there ready to do the bidding of their nation, as its commands should reach them through their superiors, even to the exposure of their own lives in this bloody affray, and on whose living, young mothers and sweet children, dearer than life to them, were dependent. The representation made by this deputation of citizens is said to have determined Commodore Perry, from the exercise of a commendable humanity, to retire from before the place ; and he declared to this last deputation, that such would be his course unless the attack should be renewed upon his vessel.
Many an aching heart this day wishes - some yet to be broken hearts, not very many days onward, when all the sad story shall have been told, will also wish, that. here the combat and strife had ended. But one of the prize schooners, a small vessel, in charge of Lieut. Wm. A. Parker, in the quick current of the stream, drifted on shore on the lower edge of the town, and within pistol shot of the enemy. The, opportunity was too tempting to be resisted; and a body of Mexicans, greatly outnumbering his men, opened their successive volleys upon him. His situation was every way critical ; but the lieutenant made up his mind to perish in the defence of his little craft, and he was handsomely supported by his men with their carbines, though their hopes of escape seemed to be small indeed, as the showers of balls were pouring over them. One of his men, receiving a shot near the temple, and the ball winding around his head beneath the scalp, fell, apparently dead, but soon rose again, and after a little adjustment of the wound, concluded that he could yet stand tip to his mark, and continued the fight. Another fell dead, being shot through the heart.
In view of this scene, Commodore Perry ordered the vessels again to be cast loose from the steamers, to retake their position for raking, the town, and now gave the order to open it in vengeance and retaliation. Two hours were spent in throwing shot, round canister, and grape, and musket balls, into the place, demolishing parts oft those houses from which Mexicans were seen to fire; and, at random, but always with certain accuracy, on some part of the town, the balls and shells fell, and wo was borne with them, even to the sickening of the hearts of those who sent them. Signals, at length, were made by the commodore to unite the tow of the different schooners to the steamers, the steamers taking a schooner under each wing. The anchors of the steamers were then weighed, and they stood near in to the town its they passed up the stream, and raked the buildings as they went by. Winding ship, they came down again, discharging their other battery continually, and, in a naval point of view, beautifully I as they glided by the town, and now left it in its injuries, blood and sorrow."
MORALS OF THIS WAR.
"The armistice," says an officer in the Louisville Legion to his friend in Kentucky, "hangs tediously on all hands ; and pity it is we are not engaged in actual fight, for the sake of the reckless gamesters, who night and day are throwing away their scanty pay in the inhuman recreation of gambling. The General, I am happy to say, has just issued orders to have
1847.] Another Chapter on the Mexican War. 41
the whole gambling matter broken up. Men have enlisted, to whom every gent they can possibly get, ought to be esteemed a treasure, and yet the instant they receive their pay, although conscience may tell them that their families at home are in want of all their earnings, disregard its promptings, go to the gaming tables, and lose, perhaps, their all at the cast of a die.
If you would witness wickedness and vice, drunkenness, and all the vicious propensities of the human heart - if you would see the worst passions with which our fallen nature is cursed, in their most odious colors, the American camp, I grieve to say, is the place where you may behold them. Full many a bright and promising youth, who looked forward to a life of usefulness and honor, may elate his ruin, it is greatly to be feared, from this campaign - the grand school of iniquity and vice. The ingenuous mind shrinks appalled from the revolting scenes daily exposed to view. Pity, indeed, that a victorious army should he composed of such unprincipled materials. The volunteers have, indeed, won for themselves a name ; and whatever deeds may be effected by daring impetuosity, they can do. But the regular officers and soldiers too, say, that they are men who fear neither God nor man."
"There is much excitement" says a writer from Monterey under date of Nov. 30, 1846, "in the city this morning, from a murder committed last night at Armstrong's Hotel. A party of Tennesseeans from the camp came into town to take supper at the hotel ; and whilst eating and drinking, a table was turned over, breaking a number of plates art glasses. Armstrong carne into the room touch excited, and commenced it tirade of abuse, at the end of which pay was offered him double for all that was destroyed; but not content with that, he called in the guard, and after pointing out a very estimable young man, by the name of Forrest, said, 'There's the d-d rascal who broke my dishes' - but before the sergeant of the guard could reach him, Armstrong pulled out a pistol, and shot him dead, and escaped before his companions or the guard could put their hands upon him. This is the only version of the affair I have heard.
The tables have been turned on the Mexicans, and for those who have been assassinated of the volunteers, a double number of the enemy have suffered within a day or two. It is reported this morning that Gen. Taylor has ordered the 1st Kentuckians to Cerralvo, to prevent this killing."
"The war," says the same writer, Dec. 1, 1846, " between the Kentuckians and Mexicans, as it is familiarly termed, has created no little excitement both, in town and the croup. It is thought that not less than forty Mexicans have been killed within the last five days, fifteen of whom, it is said, were killed in one day, and within the scope of one mile. From this, you will see that the boys are determined to have and to take revenge for the assassination of their comrades.
Ever since the occupation of Matamoras by our troops, the Mexicans have been cutting off our men, whenever they could be found in convenient places for the job ; and the compliment has been invariably returned, generally two for one."
A letter from Camargo. Jan. 8, 1847, says "assassinations, riots, robberies, &c., are so frequent that they do not excite much attention. Nine-tenths of the Americans here think it a meritorious act to kill or rob a Mexican ; and as large or larger proportion of the latter think it is doing 'God service' to retaliate in kind. Sometimes one side, and then the other, are the aggressors. Intense and bitter hatred exists on both sides ; and the impunity with which crones are committed operates as a license. There exists a kind of military authority and a species of civil power, neither well defined, nor of much efficiency.
To enumerate the various acts of violence committed, would fill a column or two of your paper, and probably not do much good. In the newspaper published here, they are occasionally briefly stated. Two days since a Mexican, well known here, was found in the public read about two miles from
4*
42 Another Chapter an the Mexican War [April.
town, mortally wounded. He lived long enough to state that he had been met by two young men with muskets arid bayonets. They demanded his blanket; he gave it up, and as he was riding off, one of the men deliberately shot him through the body. He leaves a widow and five or six young children. Murders equally cruel, have been perpetrated on our people, and no one can be discovered as the guilty person.
A robbery has been committed on board schooner Equity, lying near the mouth of the Rio Grande. She had about $25,000 on board, a large part of which was taken away. A considerable portion has been recovered, and several persons arrested. This act was committed in a regularly organized county of Texas ; and the suspected persons, instead of being delivered over to the civil authorities, are to be sent, free of cost, on board a public vessel to New Orleans, where they trust necessarily he discharged. The judge of the district resides in the county, (Nueces;) there is a Sheriff, Clerk, etc., all qualified since last July ; yet, so tenacious are the quarter-masters, and other military people about Point Isabel, Brazos Santiago, and other points on the Rio Grande, of their supreme authority, that they have never found it out. Some of the sayings and doings of these magistrates are so absurd and preposterous, as to be almost incredible. It has been denied by some, that the territory between the Nueces and the Rio Grande is a part of Texas, although the invasion of it is one of the causes of the war!"
A RECRUITING RENDEZVOUS ; or a glimpse of the volunteers on the eve of their departure. - "Five companies of the volunteers," says the N. Y. Tribune of Jan. 11, "got under way on Saturday, and went to sea, although in such a condition of destitution, filth and wretchedness as can scarcely be conceived. This detachment consists of five companies, averaging about 90 men each, and forming a body of nearly 500 men. We are credibly informed, that the men were in a state of the most iniserable poverty and squalor, having sold their six months' rations of clothes, the blankets from their beds, their boots, knives, and every thing that would bring a cent of money, all of which was of course immediately spent for the most villanous poisoned liquor. Even the spoons, forks, cups, &c., of the regiment were more than half disposed of in this way ; and we heard of one company of ninety men which could muster, when they sailed, only 37 spoons, 14 forks, and 37 knives for the entire mess ! The poor creatures, thus stripped of comfortable clothing, loathsomely dirty, covered with vermin, and maddened with poisoned whiskey, have been for some time on the point of a furious mutiny, because they were not paid the three months' wages which had been promised them ; and on several occasions, the spirit of insubordination has broken out so violently, that it was obliged to be put down by force, and that not without great difficulty, and danger of a general revolt. Fears are entertained, that the vessels will never arrive at their destination, but that the officers will be murdered, and the ships taken possession of by these lawless, hungry, drunken, desperate, wretched men, They are doubtless unimpeachable pirate-timber.
The scenes at and around Fort Hamilton, where these men have been encamped, and where five more companies still remain, are represented to us as being of the most pitiable and disgusting character. In the bar-room of Col. Church, reeking with the fumes of 'rot-gut' whiskey, colored and drugged up to the brandy proof, could be seen, sitting about the fire, twenty or thirty simmering, steaming negroes, while the rest of the room was filled with the volunteers, drinking, swearing, quarrelling and fighting, offering to sell, to cunning speculators who are always on hand at such places and times, their clothes, and every thing else they possessed, or could lay their hands on, at any price, and of course spending the money at the bar before they left the room. Then every once in a while came some poor squalid wife, lugging a baby papoose-wise, and searching for her husband,
1847.] Another Chapter on the Mexican War. 43
who had abandoned her to starvation, and I listed I for the chance of rum and idleness. Upwards of fifty, women have been on the Island to reclaim husband, brother or lover. But of course, war has a paramount claim on them - not one of them was given up.
While such was the state of things among the men, the officers (or many of them) were playing cards at the Hamilton House, or giving and receiving suppers to each other, for which they were of course charged exorbitautly, and cheated beyond all bounds of moderation. We have heard of some painful and some ludicrous scenes at the house, which disgrace all the actors in them, and, in connection with the facts we have stated above, offer a pregnant commentary on war and glory, and its ennobling and refining accessories ! but we have no disposition to describe them. The condition of the men still remaining at the Port is represented as being in no respect better than that of those who have gone."
SPECIMENS OF VOLUNTEERS ON THEIR WAY TO THE WAR. - "A most disgraceful riot," says a New Orleans paper, "took place at the corner of Clouet and Levee streets, on Thursday night, in which, as we are informed, some of the members of the Louisiana regiment of volunteers took a very distinguished part. The house of a man named Petit Jean was attacked and attempted to be fired, but fortunately without success, but was afterwards torn down. There were two parties in the fray-the one inside, and the other out. Hire-arms were used with some effect; and axes, chisels, &c., were also brought into play. Seven of the rioters were arrested-four others were badly wounded, one man very dangerously. The affair Will be investigated before Recorder Seuzeneau this morning."
The regiment from Philadelphia began their war-pranks before they got out of their own state, by breaking open casks of rule on the way and drinking their fill without any offer of compensation ! On reaching New Orleans, "a gross outrage," says the Boston Traveller, copying from a New Orleans paper, "was committed on the night of Jan. 4th, by a company of Pennsylvania volunteers. The company, consisting of 70 men, with their Capt. (Hill) at their head, about midnight, marched to one of the public ball rooms (which are neither more nor less than infamous houses of assignation) and
demanded admission. The officers were told that, by the rules of the place, and the ordinances of the city, they must deposit their arms before they could enter. This the volunteers refused to do, and forced their way into the revelling assembly, the captain brandishing his sword, and ordering his men to 'charge and kill on the spot all who dared offer any resistance.' The whole company then rushed into the ball room, where they were again ordered to present arms, but were prevented from doing so by the crowd. The women screamed, and the greatest confusion prevailed. After a while Capt. Hill, fearing the consequences, ordered his men to leave the room, which they did reluctantly, the officers remaining, and still refusing to give up their weapons. A police officer went to expostulate with the rowdy captain, and was immediately taken prisoner. Amidst great confusion and alarm, the company, with their prisoner, marched off, and went to another ball room, intending a similar coup de main there.
The Recorder was now summoned from his bed, and hastily conveyed to the scene. A large number of citizens had collected, with pistols and bowie knives, to resist the meditated attack. The Recorder demanded the release of the police otlicer. The captain refused. The Recorder exercised great forbearance, and parleyed with the captain, till the major arrived, and ordered the man to he set free without delay. The New Orleans Commercial Times, from which we gather these facts, thinks, that but for the forbearance of the Recorder, a bloody conflict would have ensued. The captain made an apology next day to the Recorder, alleging that he was in search of deserters, and regretted his conduct. The affair was thus ended."
44 Another Chapter on. the Mexican War. [April.
WHO BEGAN THE WAR ? - The facts on this point, says a Baltimore paper may be stated very briefly. The United States, by the act of annexation, had or had not a right of territory to the Rio Grande. If we had that right, some recognition of it ought to be found in the terms of the act itself. No recognition of the claim is found there ; no assertion of it is there trade. The next view is that the United States, by annexing Texas, assumed all the territorial claims of Texas, which extended to the Rio Grande - farther than the authority of Texas had ever extended. If this position be taken, then the terms of the act of annexation, if they do not affirm it, must at least be silent, and affirm nothing against it. But what is the fact? By the very language of the act of annexation, the boundary line between Texas and Mexico is left, undetermined, to be hereafter settled and fixed.
Nor is this all. The authority of Mexico over portions of the territory on this side of the Rio Grande was recognized after the treasure of annexation was consummated. At the very moment when Texas was represented to the Congress of the United States, duties were paid at Point Isabel to Mexican officials - paid too by American citizens. It was not until Gen. Kearny's arrival at Santa Fe, that our traders front Independence ceased to pay duties on their goods to the Mexican authorities at Santa Fe. Nay, more than that - an official order was issued by Mr. Polk's Secretary of the Treasury regulating exportation to and importation from Santa Fe, as a Mexican town, while according to the present assumption, it was a town belonging to the territory of Texas.
Now, who ordered Taylor to advance upon the Rio Grande, and by what authority was that order Given ? Upon whose responsibility was the American camp with strong fortifications, fixed within a few hundred yards of Matamoras, and American cannon pointed against the town? Who undertook to decide what the act of annexation left undecided, and subject to future agreement? - who undertook, we say, to decide the boundary line between the United States and Mexico, and to decide it by force of arms, by hostile invasion and military occupation? Whoever did that, began the war, notwithstanding the declaration of the President's Message that war existed by the act of Mexico.
Every reader will remember the late royal marriages in Spain. They were followed, as a popular commemoration, by a great bull-fight, of which the London Times gives the following account:
"The grand square at Madrid was filled by spectator's to the number of thirty thousand, all anxious to witness the refined pageant, and the exciting fight. Four grandee cavaliers entered the lists on spirited Andalusian horses ; and the Queen at the hour appointed, gave the signal for the commencement of the fight, by throwing from the balcony where she sat the key of the stall containing the restive bull. The only weapon of the cavaliers was a short light spear with a steel point. At the first encounter, one of the cavaliers was thrown front his horse, and another fell under the animal, both injured, and obliged to retire from the scene. The third planted three lances in the bull, and finally killed him ; but, his horse became affrighted and threw his rider, who was compelled to leave the arena seriously wounded. The hero of the day, Don Antonio Romero, now alone remained, displaying a dauntless courage and inimitable skill, and killing four bulls by the dexterity of his spear. His bravery excited the feelings of the spectators to a pitch of the most frantic enthusiasm.
The fourth bull, before receiving his death blow, made a rush at Romero, and placing his horns low under the horse's belly, actually lifted into the
1847.] The Bull-Fight; an Illustration of War. 45
air the noble animal and leis rider. The cavalier fell under his horse, into whose entrails the horns had entered, and both rolled together on the ground. A shout of terror at the danger of the cavalier, and of applause at the brave act of the bull, rent the air. It was for a moment believed, that Romero was either killed or seriously hurt; but tranquillity was at once restored, when, in a minute or two, both horse and rider rose from the ground, the rider seated as firmly in the saddle as though he had never been disturbed from it. Another shout hailed this new proof of excellent horsemanship; but the cry of admiration was beyond all description, when the next moment the spectators beheld the bull fall dead in the very act of preparing for another bound. This attack on the horse had been only a desperate effort of expiring strength, and was made at the very moment he received the last lance of the cavalier. Romero retired with some slight bruises, and was again and again saluted with the waving of handkerchief's from the balconies, and the shouts of the multitude.
The combat was now sustained by regular and professed bull-fighters. Eleven bulls were killed and a proportionate number of horses. The preparations for the whole affair were made in a most splendid manner. Georgeous draperies flaunted from banner and battlement. The horses were magnificently caparisoned, and nodding plumes waved in all directions. The royal balcony glittered in crimson and gold, the musicians were in grand costume, and the caballeros themselves superbly appointed. It was all done for the amusement of royal children! For the pleasure of wedded babies!
True enough, it was all for children, for BABIES; but what better, rather, how much worse, is war, the fighting of man with man, the mutual butchery of rational, immortal creatures made in the image of God! Yet this has ever been, till quite recently, the chief sport of the world's great ones, the main business and glory of nations; and the people, always the tools and the victims, have gone well nigh mail with admiration of the bloody game!
We look with disgust on the childish folly of this scene, with a thrill of horror upon its savage barbarity; but its folly and its barbarity are both exceeded by the custom of war which all Christendom still cherishes. - What a degradation of nobility to take the lead in such brutal sports ; and what a debasement of human nature to gaze upon them with delight, and wildly shout their praises ! Yet here is a fit and striking illustration of war, in which the gifted and noble are ambitious to become leaders, and whose deeds of violence and blood are applauded to the skies, and rewarded with pensions and peerages, with the smiles of beauty, and the admiration of the world. - What a prostitution of royalty ! A queen presiding at a bull-fight! Yet thus have the great ones of the earth always encouraged war, and kept alive among the people a fondness for its pomp, and an admiration of its exploits.--What devices to excite and sustain an interest in this bull-fight! Preparations most splendid; gorgeous draperies; horses magnificently caparisoned ; plumes nodding in all directions ; musicians in grand costume - the very means employed by war to gild over its abominations, and fill the multitude with admiration and delight.
It is truly surprising to what extent this semi-brutal practice is carried in Spain. At Madrid alone there have been, within the last fourteen years, no less than 2257 bulls, and 2934 horses killed in bull-fights; a total of 5191, or an average of 371 a year, and nearly 32 every month. What an index to the national character!
46 Home Operations. [April.
MISCELLANEOUS ITEMS.
NATIONAL DEBT. - The Nat. Intelligencer gives the following view of our present and prospective debt:
Capital Int. per year. Amount on 4th of March, 1845 $19,000,000 $1,200,000 Amount of Mr. Polk's war loan, August, 1846, 5,000,000 250,000 Amount of appropriations demanded by Secretery Walker, to carry on Mr. Polk's war to 30th of June, 1848, 74,000,000 4,400,000 Total $98,000,000 $4,050,000 To pay these disbursements, the United States collects the import duties, which cannot exceed, to 30th June, 1848, 30,000,000 1,800,00 Total $68,000,000 $4,050,000
The Treasury Note Bill passed by the House of Representatives of $28,000,000 is included in the item of $74,000,000, and will be used to create the Sub-Treasury into a paper money mill to issue irredeemable bills, except in the liquidation of taxes to the Federal Treasury, which cannot exceed, on an average, one million of dollars per month. It is the interest of the people that the war disbursements should be raised by loans redeemable within twenty years, and no authority should be given to issue more than five millions of Treasury Notes. At the end of June, 1848, the item of interest payable by the Sub-Treasury on the National Debt will not be less than five millions of dollars, or four hundred thousand dollars per month, and the taxes which the government collects may not exceed one million dollars per month. Hence, if the war continues, it is proper for Congress to pass forthwith a direct Tax Bill, to collect a tax of one half of one per cent on all the property within the sovereign States.
A VOICE FROM THE WEST. - Our readers may remember in our last number an article on the Mexican War, showing what various classes of persons could and should do to hasten its termination. We sent it to religious and secular papers all over the country, supposing, as it contained no denunciation of the war, and merely urged its speedy close that none would take offence; but from one Editor, we know not exactly where, though he gives his name, we received the following malediction:
"Traitor, Thief, Villain, Coward, Assassin, Murderer, to you I apply all of these epithets, you have the cowardly impudence to send such a thing as this to an Editor for insertion. I send it back to the Tory den from which it came. I send it back to the Tory State, that has always been against their country and her rights. I send it back to you who would steal the lacerated shirt from the back of a dying soldier, who had offered his life for his country. This is the language that a Kentuckian thunders to your cowardly sole."
THREE servants of our Society, employed most of their time as lecturing agents, have been at work as usual; but we have no space for detailed accounts of their labors, though we have reports from REV. W. H. DALYRAMPLE in this state, and Rev. CYRIL PEARL in Maine. It will be perceived that our Secretary, besides his weekly services as lecturer, and other duties, has been engaged of late with a good degree of comparative success in rais-
1847.] Home Operations. 47
ing funds ; and we would fain hope that this may prove a true and trustworthy index to the future disposition of our friends to furnish these "sinews of peace." We have been for the time relieved by this liberality; but the demands upon us are so great at the present crisis, that we shall need an equal, if not an increased liberality on the part of all our other friends.
PETITIOINS TO CONGRESS. - We've stated in our last what efforts we had made to rally the friends of peace ; and we are happy in being able to say, that these efforts have been somewhat successful. From almost every quarter we soon learned that petitions were in circulation; and, as a specimen of the result, we found in the first Washington paper we examined for the purpose, some fifteen petitions presented to the two Houses on one day, from States a thousand miles apart, and some of the petitions with nearly 400 names. We know not how many have been presented, but probably more than ever before sent to Congress on peace in the whole history of our republic.
We cannot claim to have stirred up the Quakers, always ready in this cause; but we are glad to record the fact of their having forwarded several excellent petitions on the subject. One from the Friends in New England was rudely refused to be printed; but that refusal only drew general attention to it, and caused it to be extensively published, and to be read by probably fifty times as many as if it had been printed by Congress. An able document was also presented to the Executive and both houses of Congress by a very respectable deputation of Friends from Philadelphia; and others have since come from their brethren in different places west of the mountains.
PEACE MEETINGS. - On Monday evening, Feb. 1, the friends of peace held a meeting at the Tremont Temple in this city. SAMUEL GREELY, Esq. in the chair, and among the speakers J. P. Blanchard, Esq., Rev. J. F. Clark, Dea. Grant, and others. So much interest was excited, that the meeting adjourned to meet at Faneuil Hall, Thursday evening the 4th, when the principal speakers were Hon. Judge Williams, Charles Summer, Samuel Greely, and E. Wright, Esqrs., Dr. Channing, Rev. J. F. Clarke, and Theod. Parker, a series of strong and pertinent resolutions against the further continuance of the Mexican War, were adopted, and there was a great deal of eloquent speaking ; but great disorder, before the close, arose from efforts made by some of the volunteers and their friends to break up the meeting. One soldier, on being requested to keep quiet, answered by drawing his bayonet. The resolutions have since been circulated in the form or a petition for signatures by the citizens of Boston, and have probably been sent before this to Congress.
Near the close of last month, a series of Peace (or League?) Meetings were held in Portsmouth, N. H., for several days in succession. From the report in the Ch. Citizen, we should think they must have been unusually interesting ; and, if we may regard their first and chief resolution as indicative of the position and course to be taken in due time by the League, we shall have increased hopes of its utility to the cause of peace, as that resolution treads in the track we have all along pursued.
Resolved, That we recognize the Christian truth, that God has made of one blood all nations of men, and that all his children are brethren ; that we feel that questions between them should be decided by the reason and judgment, and not by brute force ; that we regard the Arbitrament of War as monstrous, unjust, and unchristian, like the Trial by battle, which disgraced the dark ages, while it is destructive of the best interests of mankind; and we believe that religion, humanity and policy require the general disarming of the Christian nations, to the end that the enormous expenditures now lavished upon preparations for war may be applied to purposes of usefulness and beneficence, and that the profession of the soldier may cease.
48 Receipts and Terms. [April,1847.
FOREIGN OPERATIONS. - Of these we have space only to say, that our coadjutors in England are pursuing their energetic and effective course with a steady increase of contribution, effort and success. In the matter of funds, they leave us far, very far, in the back-ground. In the last Herald of Peace come to hand, we find in a special effort to raise an additional sum of $5000 for one department, the first name down for $500, then several for $250, and none for less than $25. Mr. Rigaud, their devoted and veteran servant, has again gone upon the continent to spend a long time in the cause; and it is refreshing to see with what regularity their agents in England lecture from place to place almost every day. Messrs Clapp and Burritt from this country seem every where to be received with favor as advocates of peace.
[col. 1]
Wm. Rotch, Jr., New Bedford, $100 00
James Arnold, " 100 00
Geo Howland, " 50 00
Friend, " 50 00
Chas. W. Morgan, " 25 00
Thos. Mandell, " 10 00
A. Shearman, " 10 00
Jos. Ricketson, " 5 00
Friend, Providence, R. I. 25 00
do. " " 2 00
Abner Pease, Fairhaven, 10 00
Lemuel Tripp, " 5 00
Nath. Church, " 2 00
Daniel Stafford, Boston, 10 00
Simon Greenleaf, " 25 00
Friend, " 1 00
Josiah White, Philadelphia, 20 00
Jos. D. Brown, " ($30 just before) 20 00
Henry Cope, " 10 00
John Farnum, " 10 00
T. C. Cope, " 10 00
Alfred Cope, " 10 00
Jasper Cope, " 12 00
Jeremiah Hacker, " 10 00
Isiah Hacker, " 10 00
Thos. Wistar, " 10 00
Chs. Chauncey, " 10 00
Jos. Hartshorne, " 10 00
I. W. Morris, " 10 00
T. E. Beesley, " 5 00
[col. 2]
Israel Cope, Philadelphia, 5 00
Two Friends, " 10 00
Caleb Cope, " 5 00
Friend, " 5 00
W. E. Hacker, " 5 00
John Reid, " 5 00
Chs. Robb, " 5 00
Benj. H. Warder, " 5 00
Daniel Neal, " 5 00
Mrs. J. B. Hughes, " 5 00
J. C. Farr, " 5 00
T. Sharpless, " 5 00
M. W. Baldwin, " 5 00
Thos. Earp, " 5 00
S. B. Morris, " 5 00
S. P. Smith, Newark, N. J., 5 00
A. N. Dougherty, " 2 00
Friend, 1 00
Anna R. Frost, Bellville, N. J. 2 00
Sylv. Judd, Jr., Augusta, Me., 1 00
Springfield, three individuals, 3 00
Friends in Sudbury, by R. Thompson, 17 75
L Marbury, Pomonky, Md. 1 00
P. V. N. Morris, Breskirk's Bridge, N. Y. 3 00
Publications sold, 17 52
Coll. for A. P. S. Middlesex Co
&c., Char. Asso., by Jona. S. Adams, Treasurer, Groton, 13 10
$733 37
[end cols.]
P. S. Some Receipts by the late Treasurer, and by some of our Agents, are necessarily deferred to the next No. Our last acknowledgments were from the Society's last anniversary to date of last No.
TERMS. - Advocate of Peace, monthly, or a double No. once in two mouths, making a volume in two years, One Dollar in advance.,/p>
[col. 1]
Book of Peace, 12 mo, 606 pp., ,$1 00
Congress of Nations, 8 vo, large, 2 50
W I Hancock on Peace,.$0 25
Upham's Manual of Peace, 33
[col. 2]
Hancock on Peace, $0 25
Dymond on War,. 20
Sumner's Oration, 20
[end cols.]
Tracts (64 in all) at 12 pp, for a cent. A discount for gratuitous distribution.
BOSTON, 21 Cornhill, Geo. C. Beckwith, Cor. See , W. C. Brown, Assist. Treasurer
NEW YORK, M. W. Dodd, Brick Ch. Chapel, near the City Hall.
PHILADELPHIA, Henry Longstreth, 347 Market St.
POSTAGE - same as newspapers; free within 30 miles, and 1 cent beyond that.
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URL: http://libwww.syr.edu/digital/collections/g/GerritSmith/707a.htm Last modified: January 21, 2003 11:19 AM |
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