Syracuse University Library
Special Collections Research Center
Gerrit Smith Broadside and Pamphlet Collection

To the friends of the slave in the county of Madison.

Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874.

Digital Edition.

This digitization project was supported by Regional Bibliographic Databases and Interlibrary Resources Sharing Program funds, awarded by the New York State Library.

Call number: Smith 600

PETERBORO, July 14, 1843.

To the Friends of the Slave in the County of Madison:

I receive frequent invitations to attend anti-slavery meetings. Such, however, are the claims of my private business on my time, that I am constrained to decline all invitations to attend public meetings out of my own town. I am, however, exceedingly desirous to be doing something for the slave; especially, to be doing something to promote his cause in this County. I speak deliberately when I say, that there is no spot on earth where the contest for freedom assumes more interest than in this County. If that contest do not succeed here, where, in all this land, will it succeed! Failure in this County, where more has been done than in any other to excite the hope of victory, would tend to palsy the efforts of our friends in every other County. On the other hand, success here would be an effective stimulus to success everywhere.

I need not argue, that the overthrow of the National parts of slavery - of slavery in the District of Columbia, and territory of Florida, and wherever else it exists under the laws and authority of Congress - would be followed, almost immediately, by the overthrow of slavery in the slave Status. For, that the slavery of the slave States would fall, if not countenanced and protected by the example of National slavery, is too obvious to need argument. And what does it require to make it certain that all the Free States will speedily array themselves against slavery, but that one of them should do so ? Let the least one of them do so, and its example on the side of admitted truth and righteousness would be quickly followed by the others. Our National political parties, in which the North binds herself to the South to maintain slavery, would necessarily be broken up, were but the least one of the States to array itself against slavery. Let, however, the State which shall be the first to plant itself on the side of impartial and universal liberty be, as New-York is, the greatest of the States of the Union, and what other Free State would not be immediately swayed to the same side by the irresistible influence of such an example ? But, the influence of one State upon her sister States is not greater than that of one County upon her sister Counties. Let Madison County declare herself for the slave, at the approaching Election: and, another year, a considerable share, if not, indeed, a majority, of the Counties in the State would do likewise. So confident is my calculation of the great extent of the influence of but one County in a cause which all know is right, and all believe will ultimately prevail, that, were I asked: "When will American slavery come to an end ?" - I should feel it to be no violation of truth to reply: "It will come to an end one year the sooner, if the County of Madison shall elect an anti-slavery ticket the present year, instead of postponing this great duty of humanity and religion until another year."

But I need say no more of the importance of securing the ascendancy to the anti-slavery cause in this County at the coming Election. I took up my pen not for this purpose - but for that of making public my apology for the suspension of my labors in this cause. I took it up for the further purpose also of saying, that I am willing to employ the Sabbaths, between this time and the Election, in efforts, in this County, for the liberation of the millions of my enslaved countrymen. I leave it with you to designate the place in each of your respective towns. where you would have me lift up my voice for my chained, my bleeding and broken-hearted brother. Fairness, however, requires me to apprise you that, should you appoint meetings for me, there will be much in my Addresses to offend some strict observers of the Sabbath; much, too, that may astonish some, who number me amongst such observers. My Addresses will not be what is understood by "Religious Addresses on slavery." They will "preach politics." That sanctimonious ones should roll up the whites of their eyes, and shudder with holy horror, at the thought of "preaching politics" on the Sabbath - and this, too, notwithstanding they are themselves promoting the election of some libertine, or gambler, or duellist, or slaveholder - is a matter of little moment. But there are many truly good people, who are not reconciled to this use of the Sabbath; and to wound the feelings of such, even when it is done in the way of known duty, is no inconsiderable trial to a benevolent and sympathizing heart. - Nevertheless, I cannot, through deference to their feelings, refuse the Heaven-commanded duty of preaching politics."I should indeed love to see the proposed meetings cheered and blessed by their presence: but, great as would be this advantage, I would not, to secure it, leave them under a misapprehension of the probable character of my Addresses.

In my own judgment, there is no more important use to which the Sabbath and the pulpit can be devoted in this country, than "preaching politics." If it is not important to preach to the American people, that they should cease to make law-makers of those who enact slave laws, or, what is the same thing, of those who refuse to repeal such laws; then it is not important to preach to them the duty of relinquishing any sin. For it must be borne in mind, that whoever are the slave-owners, they are emphatically the slaveholders who, being the constituents of proslavery law-makers, and wielding the physical sanctions of law, are the original and peculiarly responsible source of the slave laws.

The power of a wrong education is very strikingly seen in the fact, that, notwithstanding the Saviour used the time of the Sabbath to speak of the duty of lifting up a brute out of a pit, - there are good men who shrink from employing such time in endeavors to get millions of their immortal and godlike fellow-men lifted up out of the horrors and out of the well-nigh bottomless gulf of slavery.

It is of great moment to identify, in the consciousness of the American people, their politics with their religion. They know that slavery is of the devil; and that their politics, which uphold slavery, are also of the devil. But their religion, they are deluded enough to believe, is christianity. The truth, however, is, that every man's politics are a part of his religion; and, that no man's religion is any better than his politics. If a man knowingly votes for a proslavery candidate - for a candidate who is in favor of the system which forbids marriage and the reading of the bible, and markets men as cattle, - it is because he has a religion which permits him to do so. We have, however, only to convince the American people that their religion is no better than their politics, and there would

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be a scampering from the Democratic and, Whig parties as of rats from a sinking ship: for this people are not so foolish as to think that their connexion with these parties will help them to Heaven ; but they expect to get there in virtue of their religion, of which, they vainly believe, their politics are no part. In a word, they fear not that in their journey heavenward they will suffer any hindrance from their politics; for, wicked as they know their politics to be, they nevertheless seem to fancy that this wickedness is isolated, irresponsible, and entirely extraneous to their religious state. Even ministers of the gospel cast proslavery votes, and, by thus indorsing the most guilty kind of politics, give evidence of their belief, that, do what they will in politics, they cannot sin in them. That they regard their politics, however, as very offensive to holiness, and as therefore having in themselves a moral and responsible character, (for some people think there can be sin without a sinner, and man-stealing without a man-stealer, and wicked politics without a wicked politician) is evident from the fact, that they would as soon give notice in their pulpits of a gambling party, or a cock-fight, as of a Whig or a Democratic meeting.

Surely, nothing is more needed than that men should be delivered from their delusions on the subject under consideration. Nothing can be more important, than that they should see that they are no more at liberty to perpetrate wickedness in, than out of, a connexion with a political party; nothing more important, than that they should see that, to vote for a candidate who will use his official power and influence to continue the slave laws in being, is as certainly criminal as for ship-builders to build ships for the slave-trade, and as for blacksmiths to make fetters and manacles for its victims. Surely, nothing is more called for than that men should be delivered from the delusion, that religion consists almost exclusively - begins and ends - in preaching, praying, singing sacred songs, and listening thereto. These duties, important, indispensable, though they be, are, after all, to be regarded rather as helps to religion than religion itself. They are not among the deeds by which the epistle of James illustrates "pure religion and undefiled"; though, it is readily admitted, that they are essential to dispose us to such deeds.

It is certainly not too much to say, that a Sabbath spent in such wise as not to increase the disposition to feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and deliver the oppressed, is a worse than lost Sabbath, even though it have been crowded full of religious ceremonies and services. And it is certainly not too much to say, that the preacher who, in our circumstances, does not aim to induce his hearers to talk, and write, and pray, and vote, for the poor trodden-down, bleeding slave, is a preacher uncalled of God, and his gospel another gospel than that of Jesus Christ.

After what I have said, you will not expect me to offer any excuse for proposing to "preach politics" on the Sabbath - as if I thought it a proposition to do wrong. For, so far am I from doubting the propriety of such use of the Sabbath, that, were I to designate the subject which ministers of the gospel, at this time and in this country, should, more than any other subject, make the theme of their preaching, - I would say to them all: "Preach politics, preach politics, preach politics - preach them, until your countrymen, until your church members, until your own most guilty selves, shall cease from the enormous sin of so wielding your political power as to uphold a system that is more full of fraud and piracy and murder and blasphemy, than any other system of oppression which the world has ever seen." It is a common remark, that slavery is the greatest of our national sins. There is one, however, which is greater - and that is, the sin of so employing our political power, backed up by our physical, as to sustain slavery.

I conclude with remarking, that I can spend but one Sabbath in a town; and that, in some instances, I can, probably, give but one Sabbath to two towns. I add, that I wish the exercises to begin at half-past 10 o'clock, precisely.

Your friend,

GERRIT SMITH.