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IN a Speech, made in February 1861 in the Capitol at Albany and printed in the New York Tribune, the position was taken that France and England and the other nations were bound to intervene and put an end to American slavery. The argument, which issued in this position, was that mankind being a unit, and the whole world being charged with the care of the whole world, every part of the human family is responsible for the huge and persistent wrongs suffered in any part of it. The conventional arrangement which divides the people of the earth into nations, and leaves to each of them the ordinary government of itself, was admitted to be necessary. Nevertheless it was held that this arrangement does not authorize a moment's abdication of the world's government of the world, nor a moment's neglect on the part of that wide and universal government to supervise the workings of the subordinate or national governments. The great sacred principle, which lies at the base of this all comprehensive government, and out of which such government grows, is that by Divine appointment every man is the brother and keeper of every other man. The argument admitted that it is not for this universal government to take cognizance of all wrongs - of such as are temporary and of such as are comparatively small. It must look to the national governments to correct these; and it mast always be patient, even generously patient, with those governments. But in the presence of such gigantic crimes as slavery, the inquisition, the thuggee and other monstrous outbreaks against human rights, this world government must act promptly and effectually, or justly beheld responsible for them.
This position taken in the Speech referred to was, of course, disapproved by many as unpatriotic and even traitorous. It was, however, true and called for. Better was it thus to testify against a wicked nation, even though it be our own, that had imbruted and worse than murdered many millions and that was determined to imbrute and worse than murder many more millions, than to be disloyal to humanity and heaven. But if intervention was right in the case of these high crimes in our own country, with all possible emphasis is it allowable, yes demanded, in the case of the higher, more heinous and more persistent crimes in Cuba. For Cuba is of all, the earth the land of slavery and slaughter. One of our eloquent men has well said that the record of Spain in that unhappy island is a river of blood with a border of gold. She has, indeed, sought gold there at the cost of a never-ceasing flow of blood.
When I ascribe to Cuba the pre-eminence in crimes and horrors, I make no account of such comparatively little things as the summary and murderous disposition of scores of the crew and passengers of the Virginius, the murder of the school boys for playing in the cemetery of Havana or the murder of Speakman and Wyeth. These were but some of Spain's mere sips of blood. This pre-eminence consists in that broad and deep current of her cruelties, which, in its sweep through nearly four centuries, has left of the vast number of natives she found upon the island and of all their descendants not so much as one individual. Las Casas history of these unparalleled cruelties gives but a few specimens or small sections of them. This pre-eminence consists, too, in her enslaving of Africans, many millions of whom have gone up from that blood-soaked island to testify at the bar of God against the cruellest type of slavery the world ever saw. What further justifies the ascription of this pre-eminence is the fact that Spain still holds in Cuba several hundred thousand slaves, and holds them, too, not only in defiance of the well-nigh universal sentiment of Christendom but of that decree of the Revolutionary government of the island, which, three years ago, abolished all the slavery existing upon it. By the way, how cruel and causeless ! the suspicion still entertained by some honorable men of the honesty of this decree! There is not one fact to impeach, but there are innumerable facts to attest, the perfect sincerity of its authors. Right here let me say that nothing can be more absurd than to look to Spain for good faith in the matter of slavery. She is the nation, that was so base as to give her promise to Great Britain to abandon the slave trade and that, after being paid much money for the lying promise, did nothing whatever toward fulfilling it. And what still further entitles Spain to this pre-eminence in wickedness is her destroying, within the last five years, the lives of nearly a hundred thousand native Cubans, who had to resist her because they could no longer bear her heavy iron yoke. This destruction of life is so great, because Spain, whatever she may do elsewhere, spares the life of no prisoner in Cuba.
Surely, surely, if there were ever a case where the nations are bound to intervene for the rescue of a most cruelly crushed people, the poor peeled and persecuted Cubans present such a case. Amongst the many reasons for it are the following:
First. At the rate the population and wealth of this exceedingly fertile and beautiful island are wasting away, she would, ere long, become a thinly-peopled desert.
Second. Scarcely more does Cuba need to get rid of Spain than Spain to get rid of Cuba. Spain is fast wasting her men and money in her attempt to re-subjugate the native Cubans; and the
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attempt is not more expensive than vain! She can never overcome the revolutionists. For five years she has put forth her frantic and infernal efforts to this end, and has yet been continually getting further and further from it. The revolutionists possess, or at least control, more than half the territory of the island: and of the hundred thousand soldiers she has sent to subdue them, very few (thanks to the Cuban climate as well as to Cuban valor!) have lived to return. The revolutionists can never beat peace with Spain. They can never forgive nor forget the matchless wrongs, that goaded them into revolution. It is, in a word, for the life of Spain as well as for the life of Cuba, that the nations insist on her abdicating the government of Cuba. Her merciless and greedy rule of Cuba has for ages been the great clog to the prosperity of Spain - especially to her advancement in all that invests a nation with dignity and moral grandeur.
Third. This intervention and rescue would be such an upward step in the history of mankind as would effectually warn the wicked in every part of the world not to trample upon any portion of mankind. It would serve mightily to make human nature sacred and glorious in the eyes of all. Heaven forbid that the most favorable opportunity there has ever been for this universal or world-government to make a signal and impressive manifestation of its care for all the children of men, and to assert its supremacy over nations, may not be allowed to pass away unimproved! Now is the time to bless the whole earth by an example which will tell upon the whole earth. Rescue Cuba now, and therein will a warning to the wicked go down through all the ages. Rescue Cuba now, and there will probably never be such another land of sufferings and sorrows to rescue. On the other hand there will but too probably be many another such land, if the appeal which wronged and wretched Cuba makes to the nations shall be ignored by them.
Fourth. This proposed action would be pleasing to the Great Father of us all because it would be an emphatic and sublime recognition of the human brotherhood, and of the equal rights of all His children.
Fifth. Cavillers may stigmatize this intervention and rescue as war. But it would be a war of fraternity and love, in which a selfish war, instead of finding countenance, would find but rebuke and shame. The spirit of hell has much to do with ordinary wars. In this war would be the spirit of heaven. It may be added in this connexion that but little blood would be shed in this truly "holy war." If only Spain were held back, Cuba with her fifteen hundred thousand well united people, including of course all her slaves, would quickly free herself from the thirty or forty thousand Spanish butchers in her island.
Let then Great Britain or America or both, or some other nation or nations to whom it might be as convenient, go forth in the name of the nations and the God of the nations to deliver poor bleeding Cuba from her cruel thraldom : and let there be no delay in this work of wisdom and love - a work whose blessed effect will be to bring man nearer to man and earth nearer to heaven. I would here say that it is all important for such effect that this work be and be seen of all men to be entirely and sublimely disinterested. To this end, whatever nation shall have a part in delivering Cuba should pledge itself in advance not to annex her to itself nor to suffer such annexation, unless Cuba shall, after a period of say some five or ten years, insist upon such annexation. No ulterior object should accompany the undertaking to make Cuba absolutely free and independent.
Idle and worse than idle - even very wicked - is all this talk about settling the Virginius matter with Spain and then letting Cuba remain in the hands of her torturer and murderer. That she would hereafter do with Cuba is but too plain in the light of what she has heretofore done with her.
Nor is there any wisdom in the advice to delay decisive action regarding Cuba until the Spanish Republic is consolidated. The probability of such consolidation is exceedingly slight. No nation has poorer materials for a Republic than has Spain. I see that some of our prominent old abolitionists look to the Spanish Republic and especially to the influence of that admirable and eloquent republican, Castelar, for the abolition of Cuban slavery. But what if Spain should become an established Republic, would the abolition of Cuban slavery necessarily follow? By no means. Republicanism no less than monarchy accommodates itself to slave-holding. We were a Republic when we held so tenaciously to the enslavement of many millions. The Garrisons and the Phillipses of America, no less wise and eloquent than the Castelars of Spain, long plied the public conscience with the sins and miseries of slavery - all in vain however to effect its abolition. But for the timely advent of John Brown - of that grand old hero, whose "soul goes marching on" - slavery would have been as vigorous upon our soil to-day as it, ever was. God grant that this dear old soul may keep marching on until, not only in Cuba but in all the broad earth, the Sun shall not rise upon a slaveholder nor set upon a slave!
PETERBORO Dec 1st 1873.
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