Syracuse University Library
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Gerrit Smith Broadside and Pamphlet Collection

Speech of Gerrit Smith : to his neighbors in Peterboro, N.Y., June 22d 1872.

Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874.

Digital Edition.

This digitization project was supported by Regional Bibliographic Databases and Interlibrary Resources Sharing Program funds, awarded by the New York State Library.

Call number: Smith 567

SPEECH OF GERRIT SMITH

(TO HIS NEIGHBORS)

In Peterboro, N. Y., June 22d 1872.

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The Democratic Party is my dread. The Republican Party is my hope. What is this party of which I am so much afraid? I need not say that it is not the original Democratic Party - the party of my childhood and youth. That was a worthy party - a party for human rights and human equality. It was the reform party of its day. It favored universal suffrage and the abolition of imprisonment for debt, and many other beneficent changes. But this modern Democratic party - this degenerate Democratic party - is very unlike the original Democratic party. It is utterly unworthy of the name it has so falsely, not to say so knavishly, assumed. It had, for many years before our accursed Rebellion, sympathized with and served the slave power of our land. Hence, when, a dozen years ago, that mighty power became so infatuated as to fall upon our nation with the purpose of breaking it up entirely and forever, it found the Democratic party ready to help carry this malignant purpose into effect. Indeed, but for the well-known proslavery spirit of that party, the Rebellion would not have been. It was the slave power's reliance on that spirit and on the impliedly, if not in fact expressly, promised aid of tens of thousands of Northern Democratic troops, which supplied what that power lacked of encouragement and boldness to plunge into the Rebellion. When speaking of this degenerate Democratic party, I, of course, do not include in it the thousands of loyal men who, on the breaking out of the Rebellion, forsook it and espoused the cause of their country. All the way through the war, this infamous party continued in more or less active sympathy with the slave power-ever hostile to the emancipation of the slaves; and ever hating and despising the colored race. All the way through the war, it mourned over our successes and rejoiced in our defeats. All the way through the war, it disfavored enlistments in our army, and opposed the drafting of men to till up our wasting ranks. All the way through it, it did what it could to weaken our national credit both at home and abroad; and to reduce and cripple our means for carrying on the war. And since the war its conduct has been in keeping with its conduct during the war. Repudiation of our national debt, and impossibility that it could ever be paid. when not the cry upon its lips, were still the deep desire of its heart. Despairing of the literal re-enslavement of the negro, it went for heaping upon him as much of other injustice and cruelty as was possible. It refused him the right to vote and to be educated. To this day it persists in refusing him his full measure of civil rights and his equality before the law. Worst and most satanic of all, it opposes all effectual legislation for suppressing these Southern Associations, that whip and hang and shoot thousands of innocent blacks, and not a few innocent white men also, who dare stand up for justice to these innocent blacks. Let me here say that nothing surprises and alarms me more than the softened tone in which this hell-born Ku Kluxism is now spoken of in certain quarters where, until quite recently, it was denounced with the utmost vehemence. How great the change, at this point, in even the New York Tribune ! Does it but reflect a change in its former eminent editor? How sad, if so! This and a few other newspapers, styling themselves "Liberal republican" (alas, they are quite too liberal toward this superlative wickedness!) continued, until within a few months, to inveigh against Ku Kluxism as the most horrid of all the crimes of earth. But, now, these newspapers would have us believe that Ku Kluxism was only a little and short lived affair, which has already passed away, leaving peace, harmony and love to supply its place. I admit, that there is, just now, a lull in the storm - but the storm is not yet ended. I admit that, just now, the outbreaks of this

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matchless wickedness are less frequent, but there are still thousands upon thousands of men and women, who are in constant dread of their recurrence. Let President Grant, who so faithfully executes the laws against Ku Kluxism, withdraw his repressing hand for only a single week, and the flames of bell would again burst out there as furiously as ever, and the whip and halter and bullet be again as busy as ever. It is true that thirty-six persons, convicted of Ku Klux crimes, were sent a few days ago to the Albany Penitentiary, and that hundreds and more nearly thousands of others are now under indictment for such crimes; but the spirit of Ku Kluxism will not die out so long as the Democratic Party exists to sympathize with that spirit. Let us not be deceived by the representation that Ku Kluxism is confined to the "low whites" of the South. Many of the influential Southern Democrats are involved in it. No small proof of this is that not a few of them fled the country as soon as President Grant undertook to enforce the laws against the murderous scoundrels. No wonder that he is unpopular with these scoundrels, and that they prefer for President some softer person than this iron and invincible soldier. Nevertheless, the dread he inspires is just what is needed a few years longer to restrain and subdue this worst element in the population of our country, if not indeed the worst in the whole world. Not only did I consent to have my name at the head of the names to Jefferson Davis's Bail Bond, but, as you are aware, I felt so kindly toward the South, as to be, from the very first, in favor of universal amnesty. When, however, the reign of Ku Kluxism set in, I paused, and doubted whether that portion of our country, which breeds and cherishes such monsters, should receive any more unmerited favors. Heartily did I concur with the motion of our old neighbor, Senator Nye, that the candidates for amnesty be required to purge themselves by their oaths of all participation in Ku Kluxism.

Such, my neighbors, as I have described it, is the Democratic Party. But what occasion had I for describing it ? The occasion is the present rekindling of its zeal and renewing of its efforts to get the reins of Government once more into its own hands. But by all that is precious in justice and mercy the Republican Party must be kept in power; and by all that is abhorrent in oppression and cruelty and murder the Democratic party must be kept out of power. It is said, however, that the Democratic Party has been kept out of power a dozen years, and that it is now time to forgive it and to let it try its hand at ruling again. No, it is not! When then will it be time ? Never ! Never! ! What, not if it repent? It cannot repent. It has sinned too long and too deeply to be capable of repentance. It cannot rise up out of the bottomless depths of its political wickedness. As that generation of Israelites which rebelled against Heaven, was shut out frorn the promised laud, so must this generation of impenitent Democrats, of Rebellion-favoring Democrats, of negro- hating, negro-whipping, negro-hanging Democrats be forever shut out of power. Time enough will it be for the Democracy to come again into power, when the present Democrats (the youngsters excepted) are all dead. Thankful should our Democrats be that the penalty of their crimes falls but upon themselves and not upon their children also. Thankful should they be that under our merciful Constitution there can be no Bill of Attainder - no disqualifying of children I because of the crimes of their parents.

Sad day would it be for the negro if the impenitent, unchanged and unchangeable Democratic Party should come again into the ascendant! God forbid that it shall ever come! Ku Kluxism. now restrained and in process of extinction by the action of the righteous and merciful Republican Party,

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would then reappear to repeat its enormities. Whoever, reads the Newspapers cannot fail to see that the chief argument, which the Democratic Party relies on to rally opposition to the Republican Party, is the protection from Ku Kluxism, that the Republican Party is affording to the negro.

But may not the Democratic Party be allowed to put up and vote for Republicans ? Yes ! - but Republicans should, as a general thing, pause long before voting for them. But suppose that Party puts up for President so pronounced and eminent a Republican as Horace Greeley - cannot Republicans consistently vote for him ? Certainly not. For his election would as surely be the success of the Democratic Party as the election of President Grant will be the success of the Republican Party. The election of Mr. Greeley will not turn the Democratic Party into a Republican Party but it will turn him into a Democrat - not, I trust, into one of the worst type - but still into a Democrat. In anticipation of merely his nomination he talked differently about the Tariff from what he had been wont to do: and, instead of continuing to uphold the President's hands in his warfare against Ku Kluxism, he joined himself to those who would palsy them. He had now ten words against the "Carpet baggers" where he had one against the Ku Klux. No, Mr. Greeley's election would not assimilate the Democratic Party to him, but him to it. So it has ever been in such cases - and how, with his kindly amt obliging spirit, can he prove an exception ? I do not say that Mr. Greeley will set out to be a Democrat , and I admit that he may be largely insensible of the progress of his change. Nevertheless, whether consciously or unconsciously, he will be moulded, and this too at no very slow rate, into harmony with the general views and I policies of this great Party, which, as seductively as flatteringly, places him at its head. But what it Mr. Greeley should, notwithstanding his candidacy and election, remain miraculously unchanged ? - it does not follow that his election would not be the success of the Democratic Party. The President is not all the Government. Congress is far more nearly all of it: and Mr. Greeley's election would be quite like to result in a Democratic Congress. Many of these seceding Republicans will sell their votes to Democratic candidates in exchange for Democratic votes for Mr. Greeley. Unless human nature shall change, the sympathy between these seceding Republicans and the Democratic Party will, all the land over, ripen into open coalitions. The nomination of Mr. Greeley - by the Democratic Party - a nomination to be consummated by the Baltimore Convention - is, in effect, a scheme to draw off by this use of his name enough Republicans to turn the scale to favor of Democratic ascendency. I have not spoken to disparage Mr. Greeley. I have no sympathy with the defamation and abuse of him. I am as indignant at his being called a "free lover" as at President Grant's being called a "drunkard.." I know him well and esteem him Moldy. That he has risen by force of his very remarkable talents and many virtues, from poverty and obscurity to his present distinction reflects no small credit both on himself and on our American free institutions. I do not blame him for his aspirations to the Presidency. He means to be, if elected, an honest as well as a wise ruler. I only lament that he lead not been content to look for his honors solely to the Republican Party. As the candidate for however high an office at the hands of the Republican Party, I would readily have voted for him. I only lament that he should have sought his honors by lending his name and influence to the Democratic Party, and by damaging and endangering that other Party, which he had served so long and so well. Right here let me answer the question - Where is the Democratic Party to be found ? Is it to be found in the recent Cincinnati Convention, or in the approaching Baltimore Convention ? It is to be found in both. It is to be found wherever war is made upon the lie publican Party. To call the handful of republicans represented in the Cincinnati Convention the Republican Party is absurd. The hope of that Convention was in the Democratic Party. Its candidates are the candidates of the Democratic Party - and are to be beaten as such and not as candidates of the Republican Party. I need say no more of the Democratic Party except to add that patriotism and justice, the love of country and the love of God forbid our voting with it or for any of its candidates.

We now turn to the Republican Party. At the time it came into being (considerably less than twenty years ago) the Democratic Party was sunk into a dead conservatism and into the basest servant of the slave power. The Whig

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Party became the basis of the Republican Party, notwithstanding it bore quite too much resemblance to the Democratic Party. Happily, however, the Whig Party allowed itself to be leavened by the handful of old uncompromising abolitionists. In this wise was the Republican Party constituted : and the condition of its continued existence and power is that it shall continue to be a Reform Party. Grandly did it begin its reformatory career. It fought for the life of the nation, and saved it: it fought against the guilty rebels of the South and the more guilty rebels of the North, and conquered both: it fought against slavery, and killed it : it fought for the rights of the black man and won there. And it did all this not only without the help of the Democratic Party, but in the face of its determined and unrelenting opposition. Its work is not yet done. What is lacking in the civil rights of the black roan it must hasten to supply. I speak not here of social rights. They trust take care of themselves. The laws have nothing to do with them. Many other reforms are urging themselves upon its adoption : and, unless it shall soon begin to espouse them, it will die, because of its failure to fulfill the condition of its existence - in other words, because of its failure to continue to be a Reform Party. Ere this the Republican Party should have abolished the franking privilege. Ere this it should have accorded the ballot to woman. The wide step in this direction, taken in the Philadelphia Convention, should be followed up without delay. Ere this, too, the Republican Party should have arrayed Government against the dramshops. For what is the office of Government but to protect persons and property ? - and the sure total of all other perils to persons and property falls short of such perils from the dramshops. I ask not that Government shall espouse the cause of temperance, and enact sumptuary laws : - but I insist that it shall be true to it self and protect persons and property, whether in doing so it shall help or harm the cause of temperance. The hope of the country is in the continued ascendency and continued reformatory spirit of the Republican Party : - and, it there be times when, on account of its persistent refusal to adopt some vital reform, we shall feel bound to withdraw from it, the withdrawal should ever be with the hope that it may be but temporary, and may result not in loss but in gain to the Party.

Another Presidential Election is at hand. Whom shall we vote for ? In the light of what we have said, we cannot vote for candidates of the Democratic Party, however worthy they may be. Grant and Wilson are my own choice - first, because they are the candidates of the Republican Party and the upholders of its righteous principles; and second, because they are wise and honest men and have especial claims to our votes. Wilson is eminently a friend of the laboring man and the black mail. Ably and faithfully, and for many years has he fought their battles, and they will rejoice in this opportunity to vote for him. Admirably qualified is Mr. Wilson to take President Grant's place should it be made vacant by resignation or death.

Emphatically true is it that there are special reasons and of the weightiest nature for voting for President Grant. He saved our country in time of war. He blesses it in time of peace. After a long series of successes and defeats, and in which there were quite as many defeats as successes, and when our country was beginning to doubt of her ultimate success, General Grant was summoned to the supreme command of our armies. His policy of persistence - of continuing to hew his way on the same line, though it should take all summer long to reach victory - was much censured by General Cluseret and other distinguished military men. Nevertheless, it prevailed - He won the final battle. General Lee surrendered, and our divided nation again became one. By the way, the charge of General Grant's severity toward the South is very unjust. The easy terms, on which he allowed Lee to surrender, prove the kindness and generosity of his heart toward the South. I said that he serves its well in time of peace also. He preserves us in amity with all nations. He pursues a friendly and peaceful policy toward the poor misguided Indian ; and, though Ku Kluxism is still countenanced by the still pro-slavery and still negro-hating spirit of the Democratic Party, he is fast overcoming it, and bringing its crimes to an end. The vast debt, which the Slavery and Democracy-prompted war brought upon the nation, is fast disappearing under General Grant's Presidency, and this too whilst our taxes are rapidly diminishing. But it is said that President Grant should retire at the

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end of his term, and give place to another. Common sense, however, argues that his having been a good President once is a strong reason why he should be President twice. Thus did common sense argue, when it re-elected Washington the first Savior of his country. Thus did it argue, when it re-elected Lincoln the second Savior of his country : - and thus does it now argue when it is about to re-elect Grant the third Savior of his country.

It is said, too, that President Grant has made mistakes. In beautifully modest terms does he himself confess it and hope to learn from experience. All men make mistakes. Not even Presidents are exempted from the aphorism that "to err is human." Some of his appointments have turned out badly. So was it with a larger proportion of the appointments of a part, if not, indeed, of all his predecessors. One thing more - all the efforts (and they have been as malignant as incessant) of President Grant's enemies to charge him with money-making motives or with any other corrupt motives in his appointments, have signally failed. But he has given offices to his relatives. Yes, it is true that of the scores of thousands of offices it, the gift of the Administration, some half dozen or a dozen have gone to his relatives. He has even allowed his old father to continue to be what a previous President made him, postmaster of a little town in Kentucky. If President Grant has given offices to relatives simply because they were his relatives, he has clone wrong. But if it were mainly because being his relatives he could judge better of their qualifications, then, surely, no great blame should attach to him in this matter.

Another charge against the President is that during his Presidency he has accepted presents. The charge is untrue I - though, in saying so I do not admit that there would necessarily have been moral wrong in his accepting theta. It is true presents were made to him as well as to other successful Generals to express the gratitude and admiration of those who made them : and it is also true that to single hint out for blame in the case proves that General Grant is a basely persecuted man. No other General is complained of for doing what he did; and in the case of no other General is it held to be other than entirely innocent and proper.

What, however, shall we do with Mr. Summer's Speech against President Grant? We cannot make light of it and toss is aside - for Mr. Sumner is, at once, both a great and good man. No one has spoken more frequently or more powerfully for his country and especially for the colored race. He lives to-day in the true American heart : and many generations will pass away before his honored and beloved name shall be forgotten. How shall we account for it that such a man should dislike President Grant, whom we should all thank and love and honor, and dislike him too more than any other man dislikes him ? Some say he is impelled by revenge for not being put again in the Committee on foreign relations. This is not true - for, long before that, he had revealed to myself and doubtless to others also, his intense dislike of the President. May we not look for the origin (riot the extent) of this intense dislike to the different tastes and habits of the two men ? Mr. Summer was born in affluence and bred in elegance. He was moulded in some of the best schools of America and Europe, and by intercourse with some of the most cultured minds in both. He became one of the most accomplished of orators and statesmen. President Grant, on the contrary, was a poor boy and a laboring man. It is true that for this Mr. Sumner would not despise, nor, at all, undervalue him. Nevertheless, and notwithstanding the great intellectual power manifested by the President, Mr. Sumner would be one of the last men to see in him fitness for statesmanship or for the Presidency. Hence, Mr. Sumner, instead of interpreting the President in favor, able lights and with a generous spirit, has been more disposed to follow his steps with criticism and censure. This has become such a habit with him that now, at last, we see him, as in this bitter Speech, hunting for occasions against the President where his candor and dignity should not have al-

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lowed him to hunt for them, and finding them where only his disordered vision could find them.

Mr. Sumner speaks of President, Grant's insult to Frederick Douglass, and through him to the colored race. The insult exists but in Mr. Sumner's imagination. Certain it is that Mr. Douglass is insensible of it - for he is still the uncomplaining and warm friend of the President. Mr. Sumner says that the President, in inviting the San Domingo Commissioners to dine with him, forgot Mr. Douglass. But Mr. Douglass, though Mr. Sumner speaks of him as one of the Commissioners, was not one of them. Like General Sigel, he had served the Commission in the capacity of Assistant Secretary, and like him, he was not with the Commissioners (Senator Wade, Doctor Howe and President White) when they called "informally" upon the President and were "informally" invited to dine with him.

I will speak of but one other unjustifiable attempt on the part of Mr. Summer to depreciate the President. He says that Mr. Stanton, our eminent War Secretary, exclaimed "he (president Grant) cannot govern this country." Doubtless, Mr. Stanton said this - for Mr. Sumner is a man of truth. But who was Mr. Stanton when he said it ? - a dying man "his hands," as Mr. Sumner says, "already clammy cold." Very unjust was it in Mr. Sumner to repeat and lay stress upon these words - very unjust both to Mr. Stanton and to the President. Strange thoughts - thoughts contradictory to the tenor and habit of his whole life - do some times flit through the brain of a dying man. Emphatically so was it in the case of Mr. Stanton - for abundant is the evidence that when lie was in health and even down to his fatal sickness, he spoke of the President in terms of exalted praise. These words, which Mr. Sumner has so imprudently and unauthorizedly repeated, should be allowed to weigh nothing either against Mr. Stanton's consistency or President Grant's ability.

Let us, my neighbors, instead of disparaging President Grant, and dwelling on the few errors in his Administration, be thankful that he makes us so wise and safe a President. Very foolish is the man who, instead of enjoying the light and heat of the Sun, spends all his clays in mousing alter and magnifying the spots upon it.

I close with saying that we must have Grant for our President, a few years longer. The Antislavery battle is not yet fought out - nor will it be so long as a single shred of Ku Kluxism remains, nor so long as there are persons, who are deprived, on account of their complexion, of so much as one civil right. Let it not be said that the negro, having gained most of Iris rights, is content to live without the remainder. The more nearly he gains them all, the more discontented and grieved will he be if any one of them is still withheld from hire. Such is human nature.

The pris'ner sent to breathe fresh air,
And taste of liberty again,
Would mourn were he condemned to wear
One link of all his former chair."

We can trust the Republican Party with Grant at its head to finish this Great work which it has begun. But we speak in the light of the past and unchanged character of the Democratic Party when we say that if it come again into power, and with whatever person at its head, the black man will again he outraged - and, it possible, re-enslaved; the national debt be repudiated, or the confederate debt, including the price of emancipated slaves, he assumed and pat upon a par with it : and, in short, the half million of lives and five thousand million of dollars expended in putting down the Rebellion and establishing the equal rights of all men will have been expended in vain.

Is there a black man either at the North or at the South, who is inclined to vote the Democratic ticket ? He had better die than do it. He had better die than so wrong his race and so wrong us, whose lives have been lives of suffering and sacrifice for the redemption and welfare of his race. Will not William Lloyd Garrison and his fellow laborers have lived in vain, if now, at the last, the black man for whom they have lived, shall turn against them and go over to their and the black man's enemy ?