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Gerrit Smith Broadside and Pamphlet Collection

Address of the National Temperance Convention : held in Chicago sept, 1st and 2d 1869 : to the people of the United States.

Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874.

Digital Edition.

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Call number: Smith 550

CHICAGO NATIONAL TEMPERANCE CONVENTION.

AN EXPLANATION.

The Address was not read to the Convention until the afternoon of its last day. It was then referred back to the Committee that reported it, with instructions to shorten, not to change, some of its arguments. In the evening, and scarcely half an hour before the final adjournment, the Convention, having been informed by the Committee that the Address was shortened, adopted it without hearing any part of it read again. But it had already gone to the press from the reporters. Early next morning, however, parts of the Address were struck out from one of the Chicago Dailies; and, thus abbreviated, it was taken for publication to Rev. Mr. Stoughton, the Chairman of the aforesaid Committee and one of the Editors of the Chicago Temperance Advocate. I was obliged to leave for my home immediately after.

I have seen the Address in a number of newspapers. It is not the same in them all; and in no one of them is it precisely like the original. In the main, however, the reporters did their work accurately. As there may, hereafter, be occasions for knowing just what the Address was, as it was read to the Convention, it is herewith given. The reader will, of course, bear in mind that the Convention is responsible for the Address not as it was written and here given, but only as it was after being shortened.

GERRIT SMITH.

PETERBORO September 13 1869.

Address of the National Temperanee Convention
HELD IN CHICAGO SEPT. 1st and 2d 1869,
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.

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Slavery is gone, but drunkenness stays. There are a million of drunkards in our land. Counting their wives and children and parents and brothers and sisters, there are, at least, five millions of our people involved in the miseries of drunkenness. One drunkard in the family is enough to make the whole family miserable. Our involuntary slaves are set free. But our million of voluntary slaves still hug their chains. The lot of the literal slave - of him, whom others have enslaved, is, indeed, a hard one : nevertheless, it is paradise compared with the lot of him, who has enslaved himself - especially of him, who has enslaved himself to alcohol. The noblest of souls may dwell beneath chains, which others have imposed; but self-imposed chains strike debasement through and through the soul. Happy, too, may the literal slave be, if only he has kept his inner man - his essential self-unconquered ; but no outward advantages can bring happiness to the victim of alcohol - to him who has killed his own soul. Then, too, the literal slave does harm to no one, whilst the self-made slave of whom we speak is a curse to his kindred, a burden upon all, and, in no small share of the cases, a terror to all.

What can we do toward saving our million of drunkards ? Just what we have been doing. We are to continue to try the power of persuasion with them, and the power of prayer to God for them. And what can we do to prevent the recruiting of the ever and rapidly thinning ranks of drunkenness? None of the recruits come from those, who abstain from intoxicating drinks. The "Temperate drinkers" furnish all. Our work, therefore, at this point, is to warn and beseech the rising youth to take not the first step in that pathway, the second in which sinks the unwary and ill-fated traveller in drunkenness. It is in other words, to warn and beseech them to "touch not, taste not, handle not" the

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drinks, which transmute more than one-tenth of the "temperate drinkers" into drunkards. It is, we might add, to persuade them - yes, and the old as well as the young - that there is no security from drunkenness but in total abstinence from all intoxicating drinks. Total abstainer from intoxicating drinks! you, and you only, are safe from this greatest calamity, this most sweeping ruin. "A thousand shall fall at thy side, and ten thousand at thy right hand ; but it shall not come nigh thee." God be praised that this priceless safety is obtained by means so simple ! and that the application of this means is attended with pleasure instead of pain; with comfort instead of discomfort

We proceed to ask whether Government may be called upon to help advance the cause of temperance. Whilst many say it may, many say it may not: and, as there is no need in this case of calling upon it, to exercise doubtful or even at-all-reasonably-doubted powers, we have no occasion to question the conclusion of those, who hold that Government has not the right to espouse the temperance reform or any other moral reform. For two sufficient reasons, nevertheless, we call upon Government to suppress the dramshop.

1st. The province of Government being to protect person and property, it is clearly its duty to forbid the existence of the dramshop. That abomination is the great peril to person and property; for it is the great manufactory, not of paupers only, but also of incendiaries, madmen and murderers. Not a few of its frequenters go forth from it to burn or to kill. Government is, surely, very false to its trust and very delinquent in its duty in licensing or permitting the dramshop. By this falseness and delinquency it proves itself unworthy to be the constituted protector of the persons and property of its subjects - unworthy, indeed, of the name of Civil Government.

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2nd. The other reason for our calling on Government to rid the land of dramshop is that the cause of temperance would, though but incidentally, be nevertheless immensely benefitted by thus measure for protecting person and property. To those, who deny that Government has the right to undertake to help the cause of temperance, we reply that, however this may be, that cause has, nevertheless, most certainly the right of being incidentally benefitted by any of the confessedly legitimate action of Government. Moreover, if it must be admitted that Government has no right to snake the benefitting of the cause of temperance one of its objects, it nevertheless must, also, be admitted that Government has no right to hinder that cause - most emphatically no right to block its way with the insuperable obstacle of the dramshop.

But it is said that Government will not respond to the call to suppress the dramshop, unless it come from a great political party. This is but too probable, notwithstanding that, in all matters, which involve questions of fundamental morality, the ruler is bound to consult not the will of the people, but the will of God. "The tutor," say the Scriptures, "is the minister of God." He is, whether it does or does not please the people, to act in accordance with the Divine will. But too probable, also, is it that both of our existing political parties are in such bondage to the interests and policies, which cluster around and uphold the dramshop, that neither of them will ever consent to demand its suppression. Hence is it that we are assembled in this Convention to declare the necessity of a new political organization, and to call upon our countrymen, North and South, East and West, to come into it. Our call is not to the friends of temperance only. It is, also, to all the friends of righteous Government - to all who would have Government faithful to its duty to protect person and property.

Just here, where we have boon speaking of the high and sacred mission of Government, is the place to enter our most earnest and solemn protest against the scheme called "local option" - the scheme for Government's allowing the dramshop in those localities which like it, and disallowing it in those localities, which do not like it. Would the friends of this "local option" have it adopted in the case of theft or of getting goods under false pretences ? Certainly not. They would have Government forbid these offences every where, and entirely irrespective of the popular choice any where. Why, then, would they have the action of Government in regard to dramselling turn on the popular will ? These offences, in the comparison of their effects with its, sink into mere peccadilloes by the side of dramselling. Why, then, are they so inconsistent, as to have Government forbid these and spare it ? The solution of this inconsistency is that, whilst people are educated (and chiefly in such cases by the mightily educating power of the laws) to regard these offences as crimes, they can hardly be brought to regard as criminal that, which is shielded by the laws, and is so far made sacred. This conditioning the action of Government on the popular will in the ease of so great a crime as dramselling - this sinking of Government from its divine commission and absolute authority - into a mere servant and tool could not fail to go far to cheapen and disgrace it, and render it ineffective against all wrongs. Government should not be so degraded. On the contrary, it should be so magnified, that not slavery nor dramselling nor, indeed, any other enormous crime could make head-way under its frowns. By the way, there is nothing that the people more need than a higher esteem of the sublime and sacred functions of Government. But this can come only from right action on the part of Government. Let the people see it sweep away the dramshop, and it will, at once, wear a new aspect in their eyes, and command their higher esteem: - and, then too, will the drampshop, in the light of this indignant action of Government against it, appear far more abominable than ever.

We are not unaware of the well-nigh insuperable obstacles in the way of building up an independent political party, in the face of long established political parties. Men quit such parties with great reluctance. A very lamentable evil is the education of the people into the belief that a per-

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manent political party is it is a great good; and therefore that such a party as the Republican or Democratic ought not to, be broken up. But a permanent political party, with, the constant tendency of every such party to deterioration, is a heavy curse - for it plants itself with great, and too frequently, with invincible power in the way of all progress, and clines for its own existence to - the wrongs with which it is identified. No other but temporary political parties are, justifiable - no other but such as occasions call for. Right was it in Englishmen to form an Anti-Slavery party; and right was it in them, when they had disposed of slavery, to form an Anti-Corn-Law party; and right, also, is it in them, to form, as they have done, an Anti-Dramshop party. Right was it in Americans to form an Anti-Slavery party; and right is it now for them to pass on from the overthrow of slavery into an Anti-Dramshop party. We give this name to our new party, because none more suitable - none more significant nor more truly descriptive - could be given to it. One argument in favor of our taking this name of the Anti-Dramshop party is that it leaves to our opponents, and it will fasten upon them, their entirely proper and deeply infamous name of the "Dramshop party." We speak of them as one party, because they will, manifestly, tend to such unity as fast as the true temperance men and the true friends of righteous Civil Government shall forsake their old parties to join our new one. The American Anti-Dramshop party and the American Dramshop party will, from this good hour, go on to divide between themselves the whole American, people.

Many believe that, instead of forming a new political party, we should remain in our old ones, and put up, here and there, now and then, anti-dramsbop men against the dram shop candidates presented to us. Bolting at "regular nominations" and making other nominations in their stead is a good expedient where the object is to select men from the party, who will represent its fundamental principles and essential character. But the expedient is a poor one, and must ever be unsuccessful where the object is to select men from the party, who will go counter to those principles and that character. For years, the abolitionists clung to their proslavery parties, and sought, alas how vainly! to revolutionize them by excepting, now and then, here and there, to a nomination. No less vain will be any similar attempts to revolutionize our dramsbop parties. What if some of their members shall, occasionally, vote against the "regular nominations" ? - it will avail nothing toward changing the current and character of the parties. Innumerable eddies in the Niagara are, in their little or larger circuits, turning portions, of it up stream. Nevertheless, the resistless river carries eddies and all down stream. So long as the present parties are rum parties, and this will be until they are broken up, any little counter movements in them for temperance will be of no account. The mighty rum torrent will bear all before it and, what is more, even the friends of temperance in these parties will but harm, instead of helping, their cause: for, by continuing their names to these parties, they will continue to strengthen the rum power - these parties being the most efficient servants of that power.

Of course, we readily admit that members of political parties can remain in them, and yet work successfully to change many things in them. Nevertheless, they cannot change their ingrained and essential character. The parties will breakup ere such change - can take place. A pro-slavery political party cannot become an anti-slavery party. It will break up before it can become the subject of so radical a change. And, indeed. it is so even in the case of an ecclesiastical party. The Methodist, Baptist and Presbyterian Churches preferred being scattered in fragments to becoming anti-slavery. Our present political parties may consent to undergo changes in respect to tariffs, internal improvements and many other things. But they cannot give up their vital connections with the dramshop without giving up their existence. Rum-ruled, ay, and rum-soaked parties they cannot Jail to be so long as they continue to be parties. And those of their members, who would escape from their guilty re-

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sponsibilities for the dramshop and its horrid work, cannot do so without sundering their connection with them. To all such penitent ones our new party will he a welcoming and a happy refuge.

We shall, of course, have to encounter, continually and everywhere, the utter but effective falsehood that, in asking Government to lint away the dramshop, we are asking it to enact that most odious of all laws - a sumptuary law. How ridiculous, as well as disingenuous, to confound with a sumptuary law a law enacted for the protection of society from the dramshop manufacture of madmen and murderers - from perils to person and property far greater than the sum total of all the other perils which they incur ! In the legislation we call for, we do not propose, as does the sumptuary law, to interfere with the household. We do not propose the searching of families, nor the hindering of them from drinking their domestic drams or eating their spoiled meats or sausages made, if they prefer, of cats and dogs. But we do propose that they shall lie as effectually debarred from bringing their dram bottles into the public market as they are from bringing into it such meats and sausages. As temperance men we are opposed to intoxicating drink, any and every where. As such we would do all in our power to persuade every home to relieve itself of the presence of this pre-eminent destroyer of the peace of homes. As temperance men, we aim to make millions of rum-ruined and unutterably wretched homes the paradise they would have been but for this evil presence - the paradise they would have been, had riot this devil entered them. But nothing of all this domestic beauty and blessedness will be the object of our new political organization. This organization will war upon dramselling only. Its war, however, will be upon all dramselling upon that in the fashionable as well as the unfashionable hotel - upon that in the gilded saloon, as well as that in the dirtiest drink-den.

What drinks do we propose to have Government proscribe? None by their names - and such only as have power to intoxicate or madden the drinker. Let the laws leave it to the jury to decide whether the drink in question is or is not an intoxicating or maddening one. The leaving of this chief question to a jury - to people drawn directly from the mass of the people - would be a popular as well as a proper feature in these laws.

A very common objection to forming the new party is that its members, being required to agree in but one thing, it will, therefore, be but a one-idea party. Most absurd objection ! - and, yet, it has proved itself to be no less widely deluding than deeply absurd. The members neither of the Democratic nor of the Republican party are required to agree in so much as one thing: and, hence, by this logic, which makes the now party only a one-idea party, the other parties are reduced to no-idea parties. But the fact is that within these no-idea parties are many ideas, and some of them warmly cherished. Within the new party will, doubtless, be quite as many and quite as tenaciously held ideas as there are in either of the other parties. Moreover, the central idea, to which it expressly commits itself, being the duty of Government to protect, bravely and faithfully, the persons and property of its subjects, and especially from the dramshop, which pre-eminently perils them, it may reasonably be expected that the party - certainly the great majority of its members - will not delay to adopt many an idea, which is worthy to be associated with its grand central idea. And,

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thus, we conclude that our new party will not only not lack objects to pursue and ends to secure, but that these objects and ends will be eminently wise and proper. And then, too, as it begins its existence in a brave and uncompromising regard for the right; and strikes its very first blow at the mightiest power in the land - for such is the rum power; and takes its place in a minority so small, as to incur the scorn and ridicule of the majority, this party may well hope to be distinguished, not only for the wisdom of its measures, but for the courage and integrity with which it will adopt and maintain them. What, however, if our new party were to aocomplish nothing more for the protection of person and property - that first if not, indeed, sole work of Government - than shutting up the dramshop? - would not this be doing, immeasurably more for the country than all which the Democratic and Republican parties aim at? The dramshop suppressed - this great feeder of the vice of intemperance no longer in being - and the task of making men sober would be a comparatively easy one. But the good of being a sober people consists not alone in itself - not alone in the comfort and pleasure of soberness. It is a good, which begets well nigh every other good. When the voters of our country, no very small proportion of whom are drunkards, shall be sober, our Government will, in all its departments, be sober, honest and wise - a change this, which cannot come so long as the dramshop is left to its great part in fashioning; the character of both people and Government.

We are urged to wait until the political parties have disposed of other and more important matters before we organize politically against the dramshop. But these parties have nothing in hand, that is at all so important as the shutting tip of the dramshop. Nay, there has seldom, if ever been a time when the issues of the great political parties of the country were not more sharply defined and more engrossing than they now are. It is true that portions of the Democrats and portions of the Republicans express their preference for this, that and the other measure. But what, the Democratic party, as a whole, or the Republican party, as a whole, desires, it is not easy to tell. The members of neither agree in respect to "reconstruction," to suffrage, to tariffs, or in respect to the currency and its kindred questions.

So far as regards the state of the political parties, - their loosened bands and their indefinite and uncertain aims, - no better time than the present could have been chosen for or gauizing an Anti-Dramshop party. Those members of them, who would like to see Government protect the people, and who look upon every people as emphatically unprotected, amongst whom the dramshop is allowed to pour out destruction and death, will find it easier than ever before to break out of their parties.

The present is, also, a happily-chosen time for making political war upon the dramshop, for the reason that the cause of temperance never stood more in need of the incidental benefit of such a war than now, when the late horrid strife between the North and the South has opened wider the flood gates of all vice and especially of drunkenness.

Our words are ended. We may not succeed in shutting up the dramshop - but we will work very faithfully and very hopefully to this end. And, then, even though we shall have utterly failed of our object, and the dramshop shall remain as wide and deep and fixed a curse upon poor humanity as ever, a great success will, nevertheless, be ours - the great success of having done our duty.