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Gerrit Smith Broadside and Pamphlet Collection

Speech of Gerrit Smith : in the Pittsburg Convention, August 12th, 1852 /...

Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874.

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Call number: Smith 479

SPEECH OF GERRIT SMITH

In the Pittsburg Convention, August 12th,1852.

(WRITTEN OUT BY HIMSELF)

Perhaps, there are other nations, that are committing as great crimes against humanity, as this nation is: - but they are not, like this nation, committing them in the name both of republicanism and christianity. If the condition of this nation is hopeless, it is hopeless for no other reason so much, as for the reason, that it is the republican form of politics and the Christian form of religion, which she has prostituted to the purposes of oppression. Were the structure of her government despotic, and were her system of religion heathen, there might be hope of regenerating and saving the nation, by republicanizing her politics and christianizing her religion. But, now, that she has turned into darkness the greatest of all political lights and the greatest of all religious lights, what hope is left for her? If these unequalled lights, which were in her, have become darkness, how great is that darkness! If she has succeeded in corrupting, perverting, and making void both republicanism and christianity, what agency can be found mighty enough to control and restore her? Nevertheless, I will not, utterly, despair of my country: - and, surely, it is not for me to set limits to the mercy and power of God.

I came to this Convention with but little hope, that this pre-eminently guilty nation can be saved. I shall return from it with, probably, as little - perhaps with less. I say so, for the reason, that I do not expect, that this Convention will take such action, as, I believe, it must take, in order, that it may exert a saving influence upon the nation. Nevertheless, there is an action, which, were this Convention to take it, would send me home hopeful and rejoicing. Oh yes, there is an action, which, were this Convention to take it, would ray with hope the clouds, which shut in so close and so black around our country. But, why have I referred to this action? You will not take it. You are, not yet, prepared to take it. And when, at last, you shall be prepared to take it; - and when, at last, you shall see the indispensableness of it, - then, in all probability, it will be too late, - for, then, in all probability, our country, if not already ruined, will be ruined - irretrievably ruined.

I have, for some half dozen years, been beseeching the virtuous voters of the country to take such action, as I would, now, commend to you, had I any encouragement to commend it to you. But, in all these beseechings, during all this time, I have seemed to them, as one, that mocked.

I said, that I would commend this action to you, had I any encouragement to do so. But, is it, oven, worth while for me to tell you what this action is? [Yes! yes! tell it! tell it!] You will, then, bear with me, in telling it, will you? [We will! we will!]

Well, the action, which I wish you to take, consists of but two things. The first is to organize yourselves into a party, which shall be as comprehensive, in its scope and purpose, as is civil government itself: and the second is to make honesty, or, in other words, the doing unto others, as you would have others do unto you, the ruling principle of such organization.

But, in organizing yourself [inserted: ves], into such a party, you will imply, that you have left the great political parties forever. And you, surely, are not yet prepared, are you? to say, that you have left them forever? [We are! we are?] But, are you not calculating to return to them, at some future period? [No! no!] Indeed! Is it so? Well, I had supposed, that you were not yet entirely weaned from those flesh-pots of Egypt. I had supposed, that, unlike the men of strong faith, of whom Paul speaks, you were still mindful of that country, from whence you had come out. I had supposed, that you were not yet brought to the settled and unalterable conclusion, that these great parties have passed the bounds and the possibility of reformation; and are, now, not only, utterly abominable, but incorrigibly abominable. I had supposed, that you still believe, that these parties are capable of regeneration and future usefulness, notwithstanding, that, in this noon of the nineteenth century, they can pledge themselves to uphold slavery and the diabolical fugitive slave law, and to "discountenance", and "resist", the discussion of these subjects.

Pious Lot left Sodom, not with the purpose of returning to it, after it should be reformed. He left it, because he believed, that it was no longer capable of being reformed. He left it, because he believed, that it was to be destroyed. Thus, should men leave the Whig and Democratic parties-those Modern Sodoms - not expecting ever to return to them; but flying from them, as from a determined and certain destruction. And, as they fly, they should cast no wishful looks behind. Remember Lot's wife. They should stay not in all the plain of vulgar, corrupt, satanic politics. But, lest they, also, be consumed; they should hasten to the mountain of righteous politics.

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We are all agreed, then, that we are never to go back to those old parties: - no, never, never, never! I say not; that we have resolved never to work again with any, who are now members of those parties. I trust, that there aremany thousands of good men in those parties, who will come out from their guilty connexion, and so let us work with them. But, what I say is, that we can never return into those parties to work with any men however good. They must come up to us. We cannot go down to them.

And, now, you give me liberty to say - to say it for you, for each of you, as well as far myself-that we have left the great political parties forever. [We do! we do!] Then, one point is settled. Then, our first stake is driven down. We have left these parties forever.

But, if we have left these parties forever, then, of course, unless we mean to relinquish political action (,and that we are here proves, that we do not,) we are obliged to organize another political party. All will agree to this. Here, then, we drive down another stake.

Again, if we have left these parties forever, then it follows, that we are to organize the new party, as a permanent party. Had we left them, with the expectation of returning to them, then we should organize it, as only a temporary party. Here, then, we drive down a third stake. Our new party is a permanent party.

Once more. If the new party is a permanent one, then it must not be a one idea party, nor a two ideas party, nor so few as a twenty ideas party: - but it must be a party with ideas as numerous; as are the duties of civil government. Here, then, we drive down our fourth and last stake. Our new party is one, not of a limited, but of an unlimited number of objects - of objects as numerous as, and identical with, the objects, which come within the purview of civil government. But is this ground taken in the Majority Report of your Committee? It is distinctly and emphatically taken in their Minority Report. I am inclined to believe, but I am not sure, that it is taken in the Majority Report.

I said, that the action, which I commend to this Convention, consists of but two things. Of one of these I have spoken sufficiently. It cannot fail of being obvious to all, that our new party must be as wide in its aims and as numerous in its objects, as is civil government itself. What remains is to urge the duty of being entirely honest in all the policy and progress of our new party.

It is not enough, that our new party shall be nominally pledged to stand by all the political interests of all the people. Its pledge to this end must be real and hearty. Its care for these interests must be impartial and deep. Its endeavors to realize for every class of the people the protection and blessing of civil government must be earnest and unceasing. If our party shall neglect any of these interests and classes, or shall seek to build up one of these interests at the expense of another, or one of these classes at the expense of another, it will fail to respond to the claims, and to fulfil the purpose, of righteous civil government, and will prove itself faithless and dishonest. It will not be enough, that the candidate of our party is against slavery, if he is for land-monopoly and the traffic in intoxicating drinks. Nor will it be enough, that he is against land-monopoly and the traffic in intoxicating drinks; if he is for slavery. He must honestly aim to go for all, that civil government is bound to go for, and against all, that civil government is bound to go against. I do not insist, that, in order to get my vote, he shall go for all the specific things, which, I think, he ought to go for, and against all the specific things, which, I think, he ought to go against. I am willing to leave a wide margin for honest differences of opinion. All, that I insist on, is, that there be clear proof of his sincere aim to uphold every political right of every person, black or white, male or female. In other words, all, that I insist on knowing is, that he is a whole man, instead of a fractional man-that he goes for all humanity, instead of a part of humanity.

There is a dishonesty, of which I propose to speak, at some length - at so great length, indeed, as to shut out my speaking of any other dishonesty. I speak of this dishonesty, both because so large a share of the antislavery men are involved in it, and because it is so exceedingly pernicious. They will pardon my plainness of speech. I admit, that. they are not conscious of this dishonesty. Nevertheless, they are guilty of it. The dishonesty, to which I refer, is to be found in their admission, that slavery can be legalized: - an admission, which they would never make, were the, whites instead of the blacks, the victims of slavery. Were the Legislatures of New York and Pennsylvania to enact, that the laboring white men of these States and their posterity shall be slaves, and were the Legislatures, or Congress, to enact a fugitive slave law against such white men and their posterity, what white antislavery men would admit, that such enactments are laws? None. They would all scout the idea, that enactments for enslaving white men are laws. They would all deny, that such slavery can be legalized any more than murder. And well they might-for there is not so much objection to the idea of legalizing murder, as to the idea of legalizing slavery-murder being only one of the elements in the infernal compound of slavery. Ah, who would not rather have his child murdered than enslaved Slavery is a living horror - a matchless living horror: - but the murdered one sleeps quietly in the grave. "There the wicked cease from troubling; and there the weary be at rest. There the prisoners rest together: they hear not the voice of the oppressor. The small and great are there: and the servant is free from his master."

I often hear antislavery men say, that the laws should be respected, and that, therefore, "the fugitive slave law" should not be physically resisted. It grieves me to hear them say so. Their dishonesty, in saying so, grieves me. I could, patiently, hear William Lloyd Garrison say, that "the fugitive slave law" should not be physically resisted for he is a non-resistant - an honest non-resistant - and would not physically resist a fugitive slave law, even to save himself from becoming its victim. But a non-resistant - an honest non-resistant-is a rare person. With very few exceptions, they, who dissuade from physically resisting an enactment for enslaving the blacks, would resist unto the death an enactment for enslaving themselves. An enactment for enslaving the whites they would indignantly trample under foot, as no law: - and, equally so, whether the Constitution could, or could not, be quoted for the enactment.

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How dishonest are they then, when they admit, that an enactment for enslaving the blacks is law! What cannot be law, in the case of a white man, cannot be law, in the case of a black man.

I would remark, by the way, that I have spoken on this point of resistance, not at all for the purpose of commending resistance, but simply for the purpose of commending impartiality and honesty.

I will glance at a few of the wrongs and losses involved in our acknowledgment, that enactrnents for enslaving our colored brethren are laws - real, valid, obligatory laws.

1^st. Our colored brethren among us do either feel, or not feel, the cruel and insulting injustice, which we do them, when we admit, that their rights and manhood are capable of being legislated away, whilst, we stoutly deny, that ours can be thus disposed of. If they feel it, then they can have but little confidence in our professions of regard for them. If they do not feel it, and if they acquiesce in the distinction, then they must sink in their own esteem. In other words; if they disbelieve in the justness of the distinction, they must hate us for making it: or, if they believe in it, they must be debased by such belief.

Very bad must it be for the free colored people, and, through them, for their race, if they hate us. Still worse must it be for them, and, through them, for their race, if they despise themselves. Nothing stands so much in the way of the success of the antislavery cause, as the low condition and low character of the mass of the free colored people. Were they what they should be, the continued enslavement of their race would be morally impossible. But it is their loss of self-respect, which, more than any thing else, hinders their improvement and elevation. So far, then, as our treatment of them goes to prevent the recovery of their self-respect, so far must it go, not only to fix and deepen their debasement; but, also, to perpetuate slavery.

I said, that it will be very bad for the free colored people, and, through them, for their race, if they hate us. They are, already, jealous of us. We are, already, comparatively useless to them: - and we shall become more and more so, until they shall see us taking the open, and decided, and honest ground, that slavery, whether it be for blacks or whites, cannot take shelter in law - cannot be clothed with the dignity and power of law.

2d. So long as we acknowledge enactments for slavery to be laws, we can exert little or no power upon the slave holders; can command but little, if any, of their respect; can gain but little, if any, lodgment in their consciences. Slaveholders well know, that they would not acknowledge the possibility of legalizing slavery, were they themselves to be its victims; and they as well know, that we white abolitionists would not acknowledge it, were our own necks threatened with the yoke. How, then, can they credit us with sincerity, when they hear us say, that the colored race (,notwithstanding our admission, that it can be legally enslaved;) is as much to be cared for, respected, and loved, as any other portion of the human brotherhood? - and when, too, they hear us say; that we have identified ourselves with that race?

The slaveholders well know, that, if any other form of piracy were to come to us, in the name of law, we should still deny, that it is capable of legalization. How, then, can they accord sincerity and consistency to us, when they see us pronouncing slavery to be unspeakably the worst form of piracy, whilst yet we admit, that it can be legalized. We may depend upon it, that the slaveholders have, never yet, felt, that we are sincere and consistent; and that they never will feel it, so long as we recognize the legality of slavery. The truth is, that we are but very imperfectly consistent and sincere. The power of consistency and sincerity we have, never yet, brought to bear upon the slaveholders. If ever we shall bring it to bear upon them, it will be found mighty to subdue them. Under that power, their slaveholding bravery will give way, and their slaveholding stoutness will become weak as water.

3d. So long, as it is admitted, that slavery can stand in law, so long it will be respectable, and so long it will stand. Any other form of piracy, that the civilized world should admit the legalization of, would, thereby, be made respectable, and would continue, as long as such admission would continue. Make slavery, however, or any other form of piracy, an unprotected and infamous outlaw, and the unprotected and infamous outlaw will quickly perish. Strip the slaveholder of his legal covering: deny to him all possibility of such covering: and the naked pirate will howl for a hiding place from the searching [inserted: scorching] gaze of an aroused and indignant world.

4^th. In the last place, how can God's blessing be upon us? We have not done unto our colored brother, as we would have had him do unto us. Were we the victim of some kind of piracy, we would not have him acknowledge its legality. Nevertheless, we acknowledge the legality of the piracy, of which he is the victim - and, that too, though we confess it is, by far, the worst of all piracies. God knows, that we could never be brought to acknowledge the legality of slavery, were we to be the slaves; but that we would, in that case, promptly and utterly disown it. He sees us, then, to be deeply dishonest, when we admit, that the enslavement of our colored brethren can be legalized. I add, that He sees us to be atheists, so long as we are guilty of according the sacredness and obligations of law to such a foul and monstrous thing as slavery.

Alas, how deeply has the poor slave suffered from our dishonesty and atheism, at this point! It has been very hard for him, that his enemies should declare his sore and matchless oppression lawful. But it has been inconceivably harder for him, that even his friends should join in that declaration. When, oh when, will the abolitionists be so true to God and man, as to refuse to admit, that such an abomination and devilism, as slavery, can be legalized? - so true to God and man, as to refuse to admit, that the power to convert a man into a thing - the image of God into a commodity can, by any possibility, be among the powers of human legislation? Had they, from the first, been thus true, slavery would, ere this, have passed away.

I had, before, spoken sufficiently of one of the two things, which I commended to this Convention. I have, now, spoken sufficiently of the other. In speaking of the other. I have brought to view my second objection to the Majority Report of your Committee - the objection; that the report admits, that slavery can be legalized. It is true, that the

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Report denies, in general terms, that there can be "valid legislation" for slavery: but, on the other hand, it admits and respects the legalization of slavery, in certain specific instances. Would, that the Convention might at least purge the Report of all these unhappy admissions, and of all this miserable respect for sham laws! Did we do wrong in rescuing Jerry of Syracuse? You all say: "No". But we rescued him, because we held, that slave laws are sham laws, are no laws. Had we not so held, and had we believed him to be in the keeping of law, real law, we could have had no conscience and no courage to go forward to his rescue. I summon you all to come up to the Jerry level. From no lower level can you fight the slaveholders successfully. From no lower ground, than that of the impossibility of legalizing slavery, can you make headway against the pirates, whose power consists in the admitted legality of their piracy. On this ground stands the Liberty Party. On this ground stands the Garrison Party. And on this ground must stand every antislavery party, that would make its blows effective.

I began my speech with a reference to the dark prospects of this pre-eminently guilty nation. But were we now, even now, even at this late day, to be so honest and so brave, as to trample under foot all laws for slavery, and to deny, that they can be any thing more than merely nominal laws, I believe, that the blessing of God would come down upon us richly. Our light would rise in obscurity, and our darkness would be as the noonday. Our health would spring forth speedily; our righteousness would go before us; and the glory of the Lord would be our reward.

Should this Convention take the ground, that there can be no law for slavery, any more than for any other kind of theft and piracy, then, indeed, would it open a as "door of hope" to our desponding hearts. For, in taking this ground, it would compel respect from even the slaveholders themselves: and, in taking this ground, it would be acknowledging the equal rights and the equal manhood of the colored race - an acknowledgment which would inspire the free colored people with self-respect, and, also, with confidence in us: and, in taking this ground, it would be acknowledging and honoring God. But should the Convention refuse to take this ground - should a worldly policy, and a timid, timeserving, and calculating expediency, and a distrust of truth and God hold it back from identifying itself with the whole idea of a just civil government - with the whole idea of the whole length and breadth and scope of such government; and hold it back from declaring, that it will obey no law, and respect no law, and know no law for slavery; then, in my humble judgment, it would have been better for the slave, and for the country, and for the world, had the Convention never been held.

God may have been patient with the errors, which we committed in the beginning of our antislavery labors - for they were, in part at least, the offspring of our ignorance. But, now, we live in a blaze of light, and cannot plead ignorance of our duty. If He winked at our former errors, nevertheless, He will not wink at our present errors. He, now, commands us to repent.

I must close. I said, that I came to the Convention, with but little hope, that my country can be saved. But let the Convention take the grounds, which I have commended to it, and rapid will be the growth of this hope. For, then, the various divisions of the antislavery host will be united, and united, too, not upon a fluctuating, and feebly influential, and quickly perishing expediency, but upon an immovable, and mightily influential, and never dying principle. Then, ten thousands of good men, all over the land, who are now despondent and inactive, will be inspired with hope, and will buckle on their armor. Then, the conscientious men in the great political parties will quit them to join us. And, then, too, those wicked parties themselves, brought into the presence of a principle - a commanding, searching, rebuking principle - will be appalled and palsied by that mighty presence. More than all, infinitely more than all, the blessing of Heaven will then come down abundantly upon our right position and upon our corresponding efforts: so abundantly, and, withal, so promptly, that we may not be compelled to wait, until the year 1856, to get the vote of a State for our candidates.