Syracuse University Library
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Gerrit Smith Broadside and Pamphlet Collection

The Liberty party.

Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874.

Digital Edition.

This digitization project was supported by Regional Bibliographic Databases and Interlibrary Resources Sharing Program funds, awarded by the New York State Library.

Call number: Smith 465

THE LIBERTY PARTY.

There are many good men, who belong to, and who vote the tickets of, our great political parties. There are a few good men, who refuse to vote at all. A part of them, however, would vote, if they did not believe, that the Federal Constitution is proslavery. But a larger part would not, whatever might be their view of the Constitution, in this respect.

There are other good men, who feel, that it is their duty to vote with a party of the high moral principles of the Liberty Party. That they are somewhat numerous in this State is manifest from the fact, that, at the recent Election, three thousand four hundred eighty-three persons voted the Liberty Party ticket - and, this too, notwithstanding there are scarcely a dozen Counties, in which this Party had the least organization. Such men are to be found in various parts of New England, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. They are more frequent in the Western States.

Our great political parties are not religious parties. It is not pretended, that they are. They would scorn to be so considered. Their code of morals, if, indeed, it can be said, that they have any, is a very low and a very loose one. The Liberty Party, on the contrary, is emphatically a religious Party. The Bible is its text-book. It honestly aims to go where that Book goes, and to stop where that Book stops. The Bible is its supreme Constitution; and it admits the obligation of no Constitutions and no laws, which are repugnant to the morality of the Bible. Many eminent Whigs and Democrats oppose the recent enactment for kidnapping. But they oppose it, mainly because it is in conflict with the Federal Constitution. The Liberty Party is as sensible as they of this conflict. It goes farther in this direction; and holds. that every part of American slavery is condemned of the Federal Constitution: - still farther, and holds, that such an abomination, as slavery, is utterly incapable of being legalized; and that what lacks justice, and truth, and all the elements of law, cannot be law. But when the Liberty Party would say in a word, why it must oppose this kidnapping enactment, it says, that it is a wicked enactment - contrary to the Bible and to God. The great mass of even our religious people argue, that this enactment, cruel and wicked as it is, must nevertheless, because it is the work, and has the authority, of Civil Government, be obeyed. But the Liberty Party, whilst it would "render unto Caesar the things, which are Caesar's", would, also, render "unto God the things, which are God's." Whilst it would obey Civil Government in all, which it is the province of Civil Government to enjoin; it would disobey it, wherever it exceeds its province, and calls for delinquency toward God. The Liberty Party does, indeed, cherish a sacred regard for Civil Government: - but it protests against making appeals to that regard in behalf of criminal, hill man, and heaven-defying enactments. Such are not the enactments of Civil Government - but of a flagrant Usurpation, which has installed itself into the place, and stolen the name, and claimed the authority; of Civil Government.

That we may disobey a wicked requirement, if coming from a private individual, but must obey it, if it comes from Government - that we may, for instance, harbor and protect whom a private individual would have us enslave, but must shut him out from the pale of sympathy and enslave him, if Government so commands - is a distinction, which, notwithstanding its well nigh universal recognition, is as fallacious and superstitious, as it is pernicious. It was in reference to a command of Government, that the Apostles said: "We ought to obey God rather than men." They were as prompt to disobey a wicked injunction at the hands of Government, as at the hands of a private individual. I would remark here, that this distinction, which is so much insisted on at the present time, contributes not a little to the disgust, which many feel toward Civil Government, and not a little to the multiplication of "No-Government-men". Civil Government can never be relished by a good mail, who believes, that it is authorized to do evil, as well as to do good - to be the minister of Satan, as well as "the minister of God". Let me add in this connection, the expression of my belief, that the diabolical statute in question will be neither repealed, nor essentially modified, by either Whigs or Democrats: that, under it, our strong Nation will continue to chase down the guiltless poor-reducing some of them to slavery, and frightening others into the wilds and snows of Canada: and that, for the continuance of this unsurpassed outrage upon the laws of Heaven and the rights of Earth, there will be no so efficient and responsible a cause, as the yielding of the great mass of professing Christians to the delusion, that wickedness is entitled to more deference and favor, when it is, than when it is not, embodied in the forms of law. Ere leaving this topic, I would advert to an error, which is sanctioned by many even of the most distinguished abolitionists and philanthropists. This error is, that a man may resist unto blood the attempts of Government to enslave him; but that his fellow men; who would save him from this worst fate, may not join him in such resistance. This error can find no lodgment in him, who fully understands, as well as cordially embraces, the doctrine of the brotherhood and unity of men. The doctrine, that I am to look upon every other man as my brother - ay, as another self - is a doctrine, which bids me peril, and suffer, and inflict, as much for his sake, as I would have him peril, and suffer; and inflict, for it. It may not be his duty to lose life, or take life, in order to exempt himself from slavery. But, if he is authorized to go to these extremities, it is absurd to say, that I sin, if I carry my help of him to the like extremities.

The object of the Liberty Party is the establishment of righteous Civil Government. It believes, that this object must be realized, ere the vast amount of human wretchedness can be essentially diminished. It believes, that righteous Civil Government is an indispensable instrument in the hands of Christianity for carrying forward her work of saving and blessing the world. Now, there is not to be found; in all the world, even an approach to righteous Civil Government. Nothing better is to be found, under this sacred name, than anarchy, and the conspiracy of the few against the many. The great natural rights, which God makes it the province, and the only province, of Civil Government to protect, are all left unprotected. Indeed, it is almost universally denied - in practice if not also in theory - that there are natural and absolute rights. It has become the fashion to resolve all rights into the product of uncertain legislation, or into the allowance of more uncertain usage. The natural and absolute have become but conventional and conditional.

As an evidence; that the Civil Governments of the earth are all counterfeits, there is not one of them all, which acknowledges the inherent and equal right even of its male subjects, much less, of both its male and fe-

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male subjects, to the soil; and to participate in the choice of civil rulers. Is it said, that some of them forbid the enslavement of their subjects? We answer, that, wherever access to the soil and to the ballot-box is not acknowledged to be a natural, absolute right, there the masses, being too poor and impotent to defend their personal liberty, are ever liable to be sunk to slavery.

How unlike the Liberty Party are the great political parties! Whilst it would not consent to have the least right of the least black baby in all the South invaded; or compromised: they, being governed by unprincipled expediency, stand ever ready to barter away for a present advantage any right, though it be the right of millions; and however absolute or sacred. And, yet, the great majority of the good men of the land are to be found in these corrupt parties! Amazing infatuation! You may see the friends of Peace - even readers of Burritt's Paper, and signers of Burritt's Pledge; and members of the American Peace Society - refusing to join the Liberty Party, which opposes all war, and all preparation for war; and clinging to parties, which advocate war, and which, even in time of peace; expend annually, in preparation for war, fifteen or twenty millions of the people's earnings. You may see friends of Temperance - even the most busy and zealous members of Temperance Societies - refusing to join the Liberty Party, which will vote for no man, who does not favor the Governmental suppression of the tragic in intoxicating drinks; and identifying themselves with parties, which patronize and sustain this traffic. Land-reformers and even abolitionists turn their backs on the only land-reform and abolition political party, to increase the power of parties, which treat land-reform and abolition with contempt. The Vigilance Committee of New-York was organized to get persons out of slavery by means, however regardless and contemptuous of slave-laws. It is the most ultra of all abolition organizations. And, yet, it is supposed; that, at the late Election, even members of this Committee did prefer a proslavery party to the Liberty Party; and did find themselves more attracted by a candidate, who openly defends the obligation to replunge into slavery him, who has fled from its horrors, than by a candidate, who counts not his liberty, nor even his life, dear unto himself, in his perilous attempts to screen the flying slave from his pursuers, Of all the votes cast by colored persons at the late Election in this State, there were probably, not fifty for the only abolition political party. Did I not well in speaking of these inconsistencies as an amazing infatuation?

The late Election proves the necessity of the Liberty Party. It proves, that there are many voters, who cannot find a home in parties, which are not, and which, indeed, do not profess to be, governed by the unbending principles of christianity; and which are not, and do not even profess to be, devoted to the realization of the true and divine idea of civil government, and to the establishment of a civil government, righteous in all respects, and toward all classes of its subjects. Such voters are not now, and, perhaps, never will be numerous enough to constitute a large party. But, whether few or many; they must constitute a party, because they are drawn together by the force of their common principles.

The Liberty Party should be well organized. It should be as active and united in the Spring Election, as in the Fall Election. If suffered to scatter at the less important Election, it will be impossible to re-collect it at the more important Election. It should have its periodical and frequent Conventions; its lecturers, and newspapers. All this is indispensable to keep its principles alive and unimpaired; and to make them most extensively and happily influential. All this is indispensable to preserve a nucleus, around which new converts to its principles may gather, and around which they, also, may gather, who, after their temporary forsaking of it, return to it. Many are now returning to the Liberty Party - if, in truth, it is proper to say, that they, who have a heart to return to it, did really leave it. They left it in form, rather than in fact and in heart. They left it, not to abandon, but to promote its principles: - and they, now, return to it, fully convinced, that the best way to labor for it is to labor in it.

I said, that the Liberty Party should have its newspapers. It already has two. The "Liberty Party Paper", published in Syracuse at two dollars a year, is a spirited and effective advocate of righteous Civil Government. As the friend of such Government, and of a practical, sound, uncompromising, christianity, I would do more to promote the circulation of that than of any other Newspaper. The "Impartial Citizen" is a small sheet, published in Boston at one dollar a year. It is worthy of extensive patronage for its faithful and able inculcation of the principles of the Liberty Party. Some of the Religious Newspapers of the country harmonize in their ethicks with the Liberty Party: - but, perhaps, none of them as fully so, as the "American Baptist ", published in Utica at one dollar and a half a year. I wish, that this honest and able Newspaper could have a greater circulation. They, who desire to become acquainted with the character and condition of that excellent School - "New-York Central College'' - would do well to read this Newspaper.

I would say, in this connexion, that every Liberty Party man should own Spooner's Pamphlet on the Unconstitutionality of Slavery; and his just published pamphlet, entitled: "A defence for fugitive slaves ". Even a weak man, if armed with the conclusive arguments of these pamphlets, would be an overmatch for such proslavery giants as Daniel Webster and John McLean.

An illustration of the benefit of keeping up the organization of the Liberty Party may be seen in the County, in which I reside. The Free Soil excitement swept off all but some two hundred of our voters. These two hundred, however, determined to abide in their party. They continued to make their nominations and to support them at the polls: and, at the late Election, they had the happiness to see their vote increased to six hundred. In the adjacent County of Oneida, which contains two and a half times the population of Madison, the Liberty Party organization was abandoned under the unhappy influence of the Free Soil movement. It was revived, however, on the eve of the late Election. But it could bring out only ninety-eight votes.

What a mighty party would the Liberty Party have been at this day, had patience and perseverance characterized it; and had all its members been able to withstand the Free Soil tempest! This kidnapping statute would have had the effect to double its numbers. More probably, however, it could not, in that case, have been enacted. The Liberty Party, to be able to control the councils of the Nation, does not need a numerical superiority. Its truths, if adhered to, and honored, and diffused, by not more than two, or three hundred thousand members, would prove an overmatch to the falsehoods of the great political parties, notwithstanding that the millions, who compose these parties, stand identified with those falsehoods. Such is the advantage of the true over the false. Such the weakness of wrong, when contrasted with the strength of right.

I am not satisfied with having said, that this infernal statute could, probably, not have been enacted, had the Liberty Party remained unbroken. So great is my confidence in the power of truth, when it is commended by even so small a party, that I feel certain it could not have been enacted, in such case. Had they, who enacted it, felt themselves influenced by, and watched by, even so small a Liberty Party, they could not have enacted it. The presence and power of even so small a Liberty Party would have thrown a moral impossibility in the tray of their perpetrating such a superlative wickedness.

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Doubtless, the Liberty Party will again be considerable in point of numbers - and, this too, by the time of the next Presidential Election, unless it should, ere that, become the prey of some new seductive influence. Such an event, as the nomination of Governor Seward for President, would, probably, have the effect to reduce its numbers greatly. This would be the effect, even though he should continue to adhere to that National Party, which is one of the great props of American slavery; and even though he should still continue to admit, that the Federal Constitution is proslavery; and that slave-laws are binding. Gratitude, admiration, for the talent, bravery, manliness, which this estimable gentleman has displayed on the subject of slavery, would cause many members of the Liberty Party to forget the requirements of their principles, and to come down from their infinitely higher than Governor Seward's platform, to vote for him. Should even Senator Benton be one of the Presidential candidates, his much applauded and gratefully remembered services in behalf of Oregon and California would, notwithstanding he is a slaveholder, get him some votes from the Liberty Party: - for so it is with some Liberty Party men, who are more easy than sturdy, that their sensibility to favors melts away the stern and counter demands of principle. This was strikingly exemplified two years ago, when tens of thousands of Liberty Party men voted for Martin Van Buren. All, that they could pump from him (,and they had to pump hard to get even this,) was the admission, that he would not veto a Bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. Nevertheless, for even so small a favor of this eminently proslavery man, their gratitude and love knew no bounds.

But the nomination of an attractive candidate by the Whig or Democratic party is not the only means, by which the Liberty Party is in clanger of losing members. I will mention another of these means. There is a large class of voters; who hate slavery; and who are entirely convinced, that the Whig and Democratic parties will not overthrow it: but who, nevertheless, cannot bring themselves to join a party so stringent in its principles, and so radical and comprehensive in its reformatory aims, and, hence, so limited in its actual and prospective numbers, as is the Liberty Party. They will prefer to form a party on some midway ground between the Democratic and Whig parties on the one hand, and the Liberty Party on the other. Such a party, combining in itself more of the element of principle than exists in the Democratic and Whig parties with more of the element of numbers than exists in the Liberty Party, and being, therefore, attractive both to the men of conscience and morality and to the lovers of majorities and offices, will give promise to its founders of becoming the triumphant party. Such a party will resemble the Free Soil party of Massachusetts; - for, amid the general decay and ruin of Free Soil parties, that of Massachusetts remains unreduced both in numbers and principle. This party, which, under my supposition, is to come into being, will, like the Massachusetts Free Soil party, be simply antislavery. It will vote for candidates, if they are but antislavery, no matter how ranch they despise temperance and land reform and other precious reforms. Many a superficial Liberty Party man will be tempted to join it. But not so with the thoroughly instructed and well established Liberty Party man. He has come to see how partial, unjust, and sinful; it is to give office to a man, who, though he will wield it for the slave, will, also, wield it against the landless, and against the victims of intemperance, and against other classes of the wronged and wretched. He has come to require, that Civil Government shall, within its sphere, uphold the rights of all, and "fulfil all righteousness." He has, moreover, come to see, that truths compose a unit; and that it is, therefore, impossible to promote one at the expense of the others. Seeing this, he is convinced, that to seek the deliverance of the slave by electing to civil office the candidate, who disregards the claims of land-reform; and peace, and temperance; will be found, in the end, to be no advantage even to the slave. Even the antislavery of such a candidate is to be distrusted - for it is but one-sided and uncertain expediency, instead of comprehensive and abiding principle. In the light of these views; how absurd is the policy of those land-reformers, who are ready to vote for even a slaveholder, if he is but a land-reformer! - and how absurd the policy of those temperance men, who are ready to vote for however unjust a man, if he is but the friend of temperance. Can fidelity to away requirement of justice be expected from him, who is destitute of the principle of justice? Can he, who will do wrong in every other direction, be relied on to do right in any one direction? "Of thorns men do not gather figs; nor of a bramble bush gather they grapes."

The Liberty Party is indispensable, if it is only, that it may continue to teach, as it has ever taught, that national parties are fast working the ruin of this country. Every one of our national parties is, of necessity, a proslavery party: - for the South will abide in no party - will come into no party - but upon the condition, express or implied, that said party shall not molest slavery. Hence, whoever adheres to, or joins the Episcopal, or Presbyterian, or Democratic, or Whig Party (,every one of which is a national party,) should feel himself bound in honor to stand by slavery But, what if he does not feel himself thus bound? - nevertheless, he does, in effect, stand by it. What, if the Governor Sewards and Preston Kings do succeed in producing antislavery eddies around themselves? - nevertheless, they and their eddies are swept down stream, and to the side of slavery, by the resistless proslavery currents of their respective national parties. We see, in the light of these remarks, that, in the present controversy, between the "Sewardites" and "Nationals", the "Nationals" have, on the score of consistency, all the advantage. The "Nationals" are willing to drag the load of slavery. Hence, they are fit to belong to the Whig Party. But, the "Sewardites" hesitate and balk under the odious load: and, hence, they are not fit to belong to it. It is right, then, to regard the "Nationals" as legitimate Whigs, and the "Sewardites" as a more faction.

The "Sewardites" pride themselves on their anti-slavery. But, after all, it is owing to the small measure of their anti-slavery, that they can consent to cling to the Whig Party. These "Sewardites" would not consent to enter into a party, and form a partnership, with even no greater criminals than sheep-thieves or horse thieves. Why, then, will they consent to enter into a party; and form a partnership, with such matchless criminals, as men-thieves? It is because their sense of the sinfulness and abomableness of slaveholding, which is man-stealing, is so feeble. In the Jewish economy, God required, that, in ordinary cases, the thief of more property should but be compelled to return twofold the property stolen. But of the slaveholder He says: "He that stealeth a man and selleth him; or, if he be found in his hand; shall surely be put to death."Were the "Sewardites" to see with the Divine eyes; and to feel with the Divine heart, immeasurably more unwilling would they be to band themselves in a party with men-thieves; than with sheep-thieves, or horse-thieves.

I learn, with much gratification, of movements in Northern Illinois, which will, I trusty result in the revival and reorganization of the Liberty Party in that State. The persecutions and oppressions, which the friends of freedom in Northern Indiana are suffering at the hands of proslavery Courts will, I hope, along with other causes, lead to the like happy result in that State also. Old Liberty Party men in Ohio and Michigan and Wisconsin are beginning to move in the right direction. And can Dr. Le Moyne and other friends of our

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cause in Pennsylvania delay much longer to set up anew in that State the standard of the Liberty Party? Of Iowa I cannot speak hopefully, whilst she suffers herself to be represented, as she now is, in her own and in the National Legislature. Nor can I speak hopefully of New Jersey, whilst the City of New York on her one border, and the City of Philadelphia on her other border, continue to pour forth resistless streams of proslavery and other satanic influences. Poor Tariff bound New England! I do not despair even of her. Her best men are, now, absorbed with the one idea of anti-slavery. In respect to Civil Government, they aim at nothing more than an anti-slavery Government. By and by, however, they will take a broader and juster view of things, and will aim at a righteous Civil Government: - and they will do so, not only because they believe, that they are bound to seek for a Government righteous in all respects; but because they believe, that a Government, falling short of this character, cannot be relied on even for an anti-slavery character. Regarding righteous Civil Government, as the great want of the world, I shall have hope of the world, when I shall see, among the men, distinctly and devotedly engaged in bringing about such Government, the Charles Sumners and Charles Francis Adamses and Stephen C. Phillipses and William Jacksons and John G. Palfreys of Massachusetts, and the Samuel Fessendens of Maine; and the John P. Hales of New Hampshire, and the Francis Gillettes of Connecticut.

The Liberty Party men of the different States need to renew their acquaintance with each other. To this end they should, in my judgment, hold a Convention, which (,although the Liberty Party cannot be a National party, until the neck of slavery is broken,) can, for convenience sake, be called a National Liberty Party Convention. A Convention, under this name, was held in Oswego, the present Autumn. Why should not another be held there, or in Buffalo, next Autumn? One need of such a Convention is, that it may put in nomination a candidate for President of the United States - the present Liberty Party candidate refusing to consent to his nomination, and also refusing to consent to accept office, if elected. Since we have taken our candidate for Vice President from one of the Eastern States, is it not expedient to take our candidate for President from the West? Can we not find among the Le Moynes of Western Pennsylvania, and the Lovejoys and Collinses of Illinois, and the Crockers and Julians of Indiana; and the Durkees of Wisconsin, a man whom we shall delight to place in the Presidential Chair?

GERRIT SMITH.

PETERBORO, November 28th, 1850.