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Gerrit Smith Broadside and Pamphlet Collection

Lewis Tappan, New-York : Peterboro, December 22, 1848.

Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874.

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This digitization project was supported by Regional Bibliographic Databases and Interlibrary Resources Sharing Program funds, awarded by the New York State Library.

Call number: Smith 456

PETERBORO, December 22, 1848

LEWIS TAPPAN, New-York,

MY DEAR SIR,

I find, that not a few are displeased with the letter, which I addressed to you as Treasurer of the American Missionary Association. I refer to the letter, in which I signify, that for the officers of a religious body to vote for anti-abolitionists, and anti-land reformers, and others, whose sentiments and characters unfit there to administer righteous Civil Government, is to furnish a sufficient ground for the withdrawment of patronage from such body.

Perhaps, I cannot spend an hour or two more properly than in an attempt to justify that letter.

Our world is in rebellion against its Maker. It is, of course, as unhappy, as it is unrighteous. But, there is a remedy for this sin and rein. That remedy is christianity; - and the friends of God and man are bent upon applying it. How shall it be applied most successfully? By being applied wholly, instead of partially. It is true, that a measure of good may result from its partial application. But, it is only by its thorough application, that the world can be brought back to God and to happiness.

There is nothing, which the christianity of the Bible more pointedly and fully condemns than oppression: and by nothing, so much as by oppression, is her progress obstructed, Hence, they, who even tolerate oppression - and, much more, they who uphold and practice it - are, if, indeed, they can be said to be applying christianity at all the sins and sufferings of the world, applying it very imperfectly.

A people, who have been oppressed for ages, are dwarfed and imbecile in intellect, and abject and crushed in spirit. Now, if it be too much to say, that such a people are inaccessible to christianity, it is, at least, not too much to say, that they are very unlikely to become her subjects. Are we told, that multitudes of such became christians, under the ministry of the celebrated Missionary Schwartz? If they did - and this is somewhat doubtful - they were, nevertheless, incapable of teaching and perpetuating christianity: for, already the scene of Schwartz's labors is as if these labors had never been performed. Is there, however, the least probability, that Schwartz preached a whole gospel? He enjoyed the confidence of the oppressive Government: and this he could not have dune, had he preached against its oppressions. Indeed, the Rajahs complimented him fur not interfering with the Government.

Let me not be understood as saying, that christianity can do nothing for a long oppressed people. They are not beyond its reach. It can act upon them directly; - though, on account of their unfavorable circumstances, and infantile capacity, and half ruined manhood, to but a very limited extent. It can act mightily for there, by influencing the oppressors to deliver the oppressed.

I have referred to the intellectual feebleness of the oppressed of India. Mere children - and, that too, by reason of their oppressions - are the oppressed of the Sandwich Islands also, who, until recently, had none, and who have, now, but few of the rights of property. Were the Missionaries upon these Islands to withdraw from them, not enough vigor would remain among their converts to retain a hold upon christianity - much less to propagate it among the shrivelled victims of oppression.

There are the oppressed Irish, and the Southern slaves also. But little could christianity do for them, except through the convictions it might produce in their oppressors. A christianity for the oppressed, which is at peace with the oppressor, is worse than no christianity. Not such a christianity was that, which the lamented Raymond carried to Africa.

I do not say, that all forms of oppression constitute an equal barrier to the progress of christianity. The oppressed, who are reduced to chattelhood, and those, who, left to own themselves, are, nevertheless, denied the rights of property, are, it must be admitted, less likely to be brought under the saving instructions of christianity, than those, who are simply poor. And, yet, where, the masses are poor, it is, hardly, too much to take up the words of the poet: "Poverty's unconquerable bar", and repeat them in the face of the power even of christianity herself. The rich cannot be the disciples of Christianity. No man, who regards himself as rich - as the owner of the riches, which have come into his stewardship - is in the way to Heaven. And, though I cannot say that none of the poor are "rich in faith and heirs of the kingdom," yet I can say, that if christianity be not in her element, when among the rich, neither is she, when among the poor. Her Author has adapted her to achieve her triumphs among those, whose condition was prayed for by Agur - whose lot in life lies between the extremes of poverty and riches. That christianity is unadapted both to a state of riches and a state of poverty is manifest from the fact, that her principles, not to say her precepts, forbid both riches and poverty. The universality of christian love would, of itself, suffice to prevent either. And, what is more, the nation, in which this truth is unacknowledged and unfelt by her disciples, cannot, whilst such remains the fact, be christianized. I admit, that, even in such a nation, christianity may, here and there, and temporarily, accomplish something. But the masses, if at all affectted by her power, will be only slightly and temporarily so.

It follows, then, that the true and intelligent disciple of Christ will labor to remove and prevent poverty - all poverty - as well, that, which has not, asthat, which has, the worst features of oppression in it. For poverty, especially that, which is extreme and abject, does (- and, that too, even when not attended with the loss of all rights -) so crowd and debase the mind, with its low cares and low objects, as, almost irresistibly, to shut out the refining and elevating influences of christianity. It should, moreover, be remembered, that oppression ever stands ready to stamp its worst features upon the helpless subjects of poverty. Say, if you will, that the Irish are neither slaves, nor deprived of the rights of property; - that they are but poor, and are left with no mean measure of intellect and dignity for christianity to address herself to. Nevertheless, their poverty makes them a feeble and an easy prey to the strong. The next generation may see there stripped of the rights of property. The second may see them chattel-slaves. And the third may see them approximated, in understanding, to the brute.

The most efficient causes of deep and wide-spread poverty, and the mightiest engines of oppression, are the usurpations and conspiracies, which, under the name of Civil Governments; are set up, over the whole earth. Among them all there exists not one true Civil Government. The office of Civil Government is to protect. But to plunder and oppress is the work of these impudent shams - of these lying counterfeits of Civil Government. In this nation, and in some others, they go so far in their diabolism, as to divest the poor of self-ownership and reduce them to chattelhood. In every nation they both tolerate and practise land-monopoly; and, thus, shut out the masses from their right to the soil - a right as absolute, as the right to air, or light, or even to life itself. In every nation they have their tariff arrangements; and, thus, invade the inborn right to buy and sell freely, and every where. In every nation they perpetrate boundless destruction of life and property by sanctioning the traffic in intoxicating drinks and drugs. In every nation they cause their subjects to groan under the burdens and sufferings of wars of pride, ambition, and revenge. In every nation they claim the right to load down, and crush down, their subjects with debt; and to treat, as highly criminal, the all righteous doctrine of "repudiation." I call it an all-righteous doctrine; - for, until it be true, that a child is bound to pay its parent's debts, it cannot be true, that one generation is under obligation to pay the debts of another generation. Every child, that comes into this world, brings from the hands of its maker the absolute and inviolable right to a free and untrammeled course of life. But Government wrests away this right, and ties a load of debt around the neck of the new-born infant. In Great Britain, for instance, this load is two hundred twenty-two dollars; and in Holland it is two hundred sixty-seven dollars. Monstrous iniquity! And how worthless is the christianity, which connives at and indorses it, or which cannot rebel against it! Government has just as much moral right to amputate the fingers of one of the hands of a babe or the toes of one of its feet, or, by some other means, to partially disable it from getting a living, and working its way through the world, as it has to attach to it this dead weight of debt. How mistaken the christianity which talks against war, and which, nevertheless, leaves its flood-gates wide open, by leaving Government free to borrow, in the name and upon the responsibility of all coming ages, the means for carrying on war!

I said, in the beginning of this letter, that christianity, in order to be most successful against the unrighteousness and wretchedness of this world, must be thoroughly applied to them. What wonder, then, that she should have made so small an impression upon them, seeing that, with scarce an exception, she has, never, been brought to bear upon the chief parts of them! For what, if not such oppressions, as we have, just now, referred to, may be called chief parts of this world's unrighteousness and wretchedness?

How idle to hope, that the British people will become a christian people, whilst their Christianity is one, which has no sympathy with the Charists and the oppressed Irish! And how idle to hope, that the American people will become a christian people, whilst their christianity has no sympathy with the landless and enslaved! The chistianity, which refuses to make common cause with the oppressed, will, not only encounter antagonism in these, but will prove itself to be of quite too defective a character to exert a very useful influence on such, as are not oppressed.

No higher duty is christianity under than to array itself against the so called Civil Governments. It must overturn them, ere it will be rid of its greatest enemy and obstacle; and ere it can bless and save the world. But, alas, how few are the christians, who believe this? Even those, who are at the head of Missionary Bodies, and who are conducting enterprises for the evangelization of the heathen, scarcely suspect the want of harmony between christianity and these spurious Civil Governments; - and, still less, do

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they suspect, that these Governments and christianity are in deadly opposition to each other. It might well be supposed, that the officers of the American Missionary Association are an exception to this remark, since that Association was organized by Liberty Party men; - and, that too, at a time, when it was, not yet, discovered, that to vote for anti-abolitionists is in accordance with Liberty Party doctrines. But, that the officers of this Association differ but little, in this respect, from the officers of the other Missionary Associations, is manifest from the fact, that, at the late Election, all of them, with, probably no other exceptions, than Samuel R. Ward, Lewis Tappan, and Professor Whipple, were in favor of electing to the Presidency the gentleman who finds cause for consolation, instead of repentance, in that unequalled devotion to the slave-power, which gained for him the unenviable name of "the Northern man with Southern principles." It is believed, that some of the officers of the American Missionary Association were in favor of electing to the chief magistracy of this State the gentleman, who, a few weeks before, had, in Congress, not only voted against the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, but had made an elaborate speech to show, that the African race is a doomed race; and that of course he and we should he religiously careful not to do, or say, aught, which might tend to arrest the speed of this doom. Oh, how unlike are the Van Burens and Dixes, as well as the Taylors and Cusses, to the Heaven-approved magistrates! - to the good King Josiah, who "judged the cause of the poor and needy", and to that beautiful pattern of a ruler, Job, who was "a father to the poor", and who "delivered the poor, that cried, and the fatherless and him, that had none to help him"; - and who, let it also be remembered, "brake the jaws of the wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his teeth!" God gave Civil Government for the purpose of protecting those especially, who most need protection - those, who are too poor, and ignorant, and weak, and helpless, to protect themselves. But, alas, how do they pervert it from its merciful and Heaven-intended uses, who set up for the rulers of these poor, and ignorant, and weak, and helpless ones, such, as despise and devour them! As well put sheep under the protection of wolves!

May God hasten the time, when christians shall use christianity in subverting those infernal conspiracies against the poor and oppressed, which impudently assume the name of Civil Government, and to setting; up upon their ruins true and righteous, and blessed, and glorious Civil Governments! When christianity shall be so used, there will be, comparatively, few infidels. She will, then, commend herself to the conscience of the world, as the religion of truth - the religion of Heaven. But, what wonder, that, whilst her professors, and even such of them, as are ensamples, put Civil Government into the hands of the cruellest enemies of the poor - into the bands of those, who disdain to eat with the poor, and to sit by their side in the House of Worship, and to suffer their children to go to the same school, that the children of the poor go to; and who, in short, use Civil Government to rob, and outrage, and crush the poor; - what wonder, I say, that, whilst this continues, the world should have but little reverence for christianity, and but little faith in its truth!

The doctrine, that christianity will work her way through the world, in spite of whatever untoward circumstances are made to surround men, and that site will penetrate all hearts with her convincing and converting power - even those hearts, which are most anxious and absorbed with the concern, where to find shelter, clothing, and food; and that she will burst through all the barriers, which the deep and degrading poverty of the masses throw across her path - and do it too, even whilst her disciples are busy in fortifying those barriers; - this delusive and ruinous doctrine must be exploded, ere the world will embrace christianity. The christians who, with one hand, is sending bibles and missionaries over the earth, and, with the other, is putting the enemies and despisers and robbers of the poor into places of civil power, is doing far more to hinder than advance the progress of christianity - far more to retard than hasten the salvation of the world.

I, readily, admit, that christians are called on to he charitable, and to distribute theirs urplus goods among the needy. But their higher calling is to be just. Let them insist, that justice shall be done to their fellow men, and, especially, that they shall have the protection of righteous Civil Government; and there will soon be such an approach to equality in the possessions of men, and in their circumstances generally, as shall leave, comparatively, little occasion for giving food to the hungry, and clothes to the naked.

Let American christianity, not only cease from her opposition to, and contempt of, bible-politics, but identify herself with them; and, on the Sabbath and from the pulpit, and in season and out of season, preach them; and insist, that "he, that ruleth over men, must be just", and that it is a high crime against God and man to choose any other than just persons for rulers: - let American christianity, also, insist, that he, who would bring, under the definition, obligation, and sacredness, of LAW, enactments, which, instead of being for the protection, are, openly and confessedly, for the destruction of human rights; and that he, who would admit, that slavery, which is the greatest of all conceivable outrages on human rights, is capable of legalization; and that, he, who would admit, that men may be lawfully plundered of their God-given shares of the soil, and, thus, be denied a standing place upon the earth; and that be, who would not acknowledge the duty of carrying out, in all just directions, the doctrine of the equal rights of all men; - let her insist, that such delinquents, instead of being allowed a place among the rulers and protectors of men, are to be classed with the oppressors of men; - let American christianity, I say, make such a stand, and she will soon prove, by her triumphs in this and other lands, that she has become the true christianity.

I cannot close this letter, without saying, how greatly I have been disappointed in the Missionary Association, of which you are Treasurer. I was Chairman of the Committee, which called the Convention, that organized the Association. It was, then, distinctly, understood, on all hands, that, whatever else the Association might, or might nut, be, it would, always, be an abolition Association. I felt sure, that we had, at least, a Missionary Association, which would preach abolition politics to my own country and to other countries. But, alas, it is, even so soon, in effect, an anti-abolition Association! Even so soon, its very officers nearly all of them, from its President downwards - are in favor of electing to the highest civil trusts men, who are the avowed opponents of abolition, and the bitterest enemies of the slave.

What will the American Missionary Association do? Will it have the magnanimity to retrace its steps, and, again, become an abolition Association? Will it, henceforth, as quick consent to have a slaveholder for one of its officers, as a person, who will vote for an anti-abolitionist? Will it, in a word, identify itself with righteous Civil Government, and go for the enslaved, and the landless, and whithersoever such Government demands it shall go? Will this be its course? Then, will it be an inexpressibly rich blessing to the world. But, if this shall not be its course, then it will be as impotent for good, as are the other Missionary associations of the world.

That a Missionary Association, which refuses to take the side of righteous civil government, and to labor to rid the world of the false and satanic notions of civil government, which prevail, almost universally, is unworthy of patronage, is, to my own mind, among the plainest of all plain propositions. And, just here it is, that I wish to utter a word of complaint against yourself - a word, by the way, which is no less applicable to Professor Whipple. I, now, know that your vote, at the late Election, was, in part, and I, now, hope, that it was, throughout, for the friends of righteous civil government. But, why did you leave the public to infer the contrary, and to infer it, withal, so confidently? There are occasions, when it is not enough to be on the Lord's side: - but, when, also, we must, Joshua-like, proclaim, that we are on that side. Such an occasion there was, at the late Election: - but you did not improve it! Yes - at a time, when: "Who is on the Lord's side?" rung so loudly in his ears, even Lewis Tappan, that characteristically decided, outspoken, and brave reformer, did not let the world know on which side he was. Should he not then forgive me for my fear (- it was but a fear - ) that good, beloved, noble man, as he is, he was left to fall to the Devil's side?

With great regard, your friend and brother,

GERRIT SMITH.