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Gerrit Smith Broadside and Pamphlet Collection

To the editors of the Emancipator, Boston : Peterboro, August 23, 1847.

Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874.

Digital Edition.

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Call number: Smith 448

PETERBORO, August 23, 1847

To the Editors of the Emancipator, Boston:

My Dear Sirs,-

The last No. of your Paper is before me. It contains an extract from a letter, which I wrote, four years ago: and praises, very highly, the argument in that extract. But, however proper that argument may have been, as applied to the Liberty party, four years ago, is it proper, as applied to it now? - and are you serving, the cause of truth, in applying it to it now? "Come - let us reason together."

The only material positions, which I take in your extract from my letter, are

1st. The Liberty party should confine its efforts to the abolition of slavery.

2d. The Liberty party, if in power, will do its duty on all other subjects as well as on that of slavery.

The Liberty party, like the Antimasonic party, was, at the time of its organization, regarded as a temporary party. It is absurd to say, that a party, organized to promote a single specific reform, is to be regarded, as a permanent party. William Goodell and others, who contend, that the Liberty party was organized to look after all the political interests of the country, are consistent in having regarded it, from the first, as a permanent party.

As I view it, the Liberty party is, in the main, made up of persons, who have agreed to stand out of their old parties, and to stand together in the new one, until, and only until, those old parties shall consent to go for the abolition of slavery. Now, if the expectation, that those old parties will consent to go for the abolition of slavery, may still be indulged: and if, therefore, the Liberty party have, now, the same conditional existence, which was generally ascribed to it, at the time of its organization, and also at the time when I wrote the letter under consideration; then, I admit, that it would be inconsistent to attempt, at the present time, to connect with its object of abolishing slavery any other object whatever. A member of the Antimasonic party would, in proposing to extent file regards of his party to any thing else than the overthrow of secret societies, have subjected himself; for his inconsistency, try to rebuke no less merited than severe. And equally obnoxious to censure would be the proposition to tack another to the one original object to the Liberty party, whilst that party is regarded as but a temporary party. But, until within a few months, I had supposed that the great majority of the Liberty party had, for the last two or three years, come to regard the great political parties of our, country, as utterly incorrigible and hopeless; and the Liberty party as, therefore, necessarily a permanent party. During the last year or two, I have, very frequently, both with my lips and my pen, called on the Liberty party to espouse, along with the antislavery reform, the other reforms of free trade, anti-land-monopoly, &c. I felt free to do so, on the ground, that the Liberty party had ceased to be a temporary party, and was, therefore, under obligation to attend to all the political interests of the country.

I pass to the other position, taken by me in your extract from my letter. Although, I believed, that the Liberty party would drive the great political parties, or, at least, very large sections of them, to an antislavery attitude; I, probably, did not believe, when writing that letter, that it would itself ever get into power. I, probably, have never believed, that a political party based on opposition to a single form of evil, could ever get into power. After these preliminary remarks, I proceed to mention a couple of reasons, why my declaration, four years ago, that the Liberty party, if in power, would prove itself trust-worthy on all other questions, as well as on that of slavery, should not be quoted now, either for that party, or against my consistency. Read the letter, in which that declaration is made: and, you will see, that the declaration is made on the assumption, that the Liberty party was, on the question of slavery, a true party; - an assumption, which subsequent events have most painfully, and yet most abundantly, disproved. A large share of its editors and members have, on one occasion and another, shown themselves to be untrue on the question of slavery. They have been willing, "in peculiar circumstances," and "for this once," to cast proslavery votes - to vote for those who vote for traffickers in human flesh. They have, thus, been willing to tear up the very foundation of the Liberty party, and repeal the very law of its existence. It is not, because I do not love the Liberty party [-let those, who claim, that they love it more than I do, give more proofs than I have done of loving it; and let them, especially, remember, that my promptness to census it for its faults, and thereby increase its dislike of me, is no little proof of my love of it-] I say, that it is not, because I do not love the Liberty party, that I now give it, as my deliberate opinion, that, under the excuse of "peculiar circumstances," and of "this once," more than half of the editors and members of the Liberty party would, this day, vote for proslavery voters. Why, even our highly valued brother, who edits the Charter Oak, would, if I understand him, vote for a proslavery voter, who is in favor of a Tariff, rather than for an antislavery voter, who is opposed to a Tariff: and would, too, if I understand him, refuse to aid the antislavery cause, at the expense of the system of commercial restrictions.

I have, now, in my reference to its astonishing and sad revelations of unsoundness on the question of slavery, given one of my promised reasons, why my confidence in the Liberty party, previous to those revelations, should not be taken for my confidence in it now; and why this change in myself should not be suffered to argue against my consistency. I proceed to the other reason.

From the time of its organization, the professed principle of action of the Liberty party has been the equal rights of all men equal justice to all men. The belief, that this was really its principle of action, was calculated, even more than the opposition to slavery, by which it illustrated that principle, to inspire confidence, that the Liberty party, if in power, would do its duty on all other questions, as well as on that of slavery. But that belief no longer exists: and the confidence, which it inspired, has, of course, died along with it. The long professed principle of action of the Liberty party is, its editors being witnesses, not its real principle of action. The Liberty party virtually repudiates this principle of action. Being now bound to take the ground of a permanent party, and to come under the obligations of every such party to look after the political interests of all classes, the Liberty party, if its editors are authorized to speak for it, is to be field guilty of repudiating this principle of action, inasmuch as these editors refuse to apply it in the direction of more than one single object. I would add, that, with such infidelity to the other objects, which, now, that it has the character of a permanent party, come legitimately before it, the Liberty party is not to be relied on for faithfulness even to its one original object.

You have, now, before you both of my promised reasons, why you are not at liberty to use, either to my disadvantage, or to the advantage of the Liberty party, what I said, four years ago, of its trustworthiness on other subjects as well as on that of slavery.

I am not unmindful, that many Liberty party men, who are opposed to our acting on these other subjects, say, that we may discuss them. A year ago, I was quieted, and so were William Goodell and others, by the understanding, that, thenceforth, the Liberty party would allow and encourage, in its meetings and newspapers, the discussion of all those questions, which fall properly under the notice of a permanent political party. But, that we either deceived ourselves, or were deceived by others, is now manifest from the fact, that most of its meetings and newspapers, not only abstain from discussing them; but, by taking the ground, that the Liberty party shall not act upon them, virtually refuse to discuss them. For, manifestly, to discuss them, under the foregone conclusion, that they shall not be acted upon, is the merest emptiness and hypocrisy.

I am writing this letter, not to prove, that I am a consistent man. All, who know me, know, that I make no pretensions to consistency. I am a man of change. All, who live, not to stereotype, but to correct their errors, must be men of change. All, who live to learn, must be men of change. Upon many things in my antislavery history I look back with regret: and, I hope, by the Divine help, I shall, hereafter, go counter to them. For instance, I would never again take part in organizing a temporary political party; or a party, which goes for the promotion of but a single specific reform. The only political party, which a man has a right to belong to, is one, which is suited, and entitled, to continue to the end of time, because it goes for all political righteousness for righteousness in every department, and on every subject, of politics - for the welfare of every class and condition of men. The only political party, in a word, which a man has a right to belong to, is one, which is a party both of the whole, and for the whole.

But I will stop writing. You and I will, perhaps, be permitted to resume our discussion, the 20th October, in the National Convention, at Buffalo. I hope to be there; - not for the purpose, as that "odd fellow" of the Bangor Gazette will have it, of court-

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ing a nomination at the hands of the Convention - for, it will be long, before I give consent to be, and very long, before I ask to be, a candidate for civil office; - nor for the purpose of proposing tests of membership in the Liberty party (-a measure, which they, who are bent on making me as odious as possible, in the eyes of the Liberty party, so freely charge on me-) but, I hope to be there to, take part in the discussion of the questions - 1st. Whether the time has not come - had not, indeed, long, ago, come - for the Liberty party to give up all hope of the other parties, and to regard itself as a permanent party - 2d. Whether if it so regard itself, it is not bound to inquire, with honest purpose, into all the hearings of its great principle of action - the principle of the equal rights of all men - of equal justice to all men.

Show me the man, who will answer these questions in the affirmative; and who has, also, illustrated his sincere adoption of this great principle of action, by his devotion to the cause of the slave; and you show me the man, whom I welcome, as a good Liberty party man, and of whose future progress in the discernment and espousal of his political duties, he has already given a most gratifying and satisfactory earnest. Of course, gentlemen, you do not believe, that the National Convention will answer these questions in the affirmative. Indeed, judging by what I have seen in your columns, you do not believe, that even the State of New-York will give one vote for them in the Convention. Such faith, however, have I in the power of truth - and such faith, that the heads and hearts of men are susceptible of that power - as to hope, that, notwithstanding present appearances, a majority of the votes of the Convention will be cast for them. What! - the National Convention of the Liberty party, held in October 1847, refuse to look upon the political parties, which are rivalling each other in the work of destroying a sister nation to make more room for slavery! - what! that Convention refuse to look on such parties as hopelessly incorrigible; and the Liberty party as, because of that hopeless incorrigibility, a permanent party! What! that Convention so infatuated, as to believe, that, whilst all the world is waking up to the claims of such momentous questions, as free trade, free soil &c. &c., the Liberty party may remain asleep over them! Impossible! Impossible!! Surely, surely, that Convention will not hold up the Liberty party to be jeered at by every passer-by, as a poor, pitiful, cowardly, and utterly impotent thing! Surely, surely, that Convention will not put forth its hand to strip the Liberty party of all the bright hopes, which cluster so thickly about it, and to cover it with deep and enduring disgrace!

With great regard,

your friend,

GERRIT SMITH

P.S. For obvious reasons, it has been the policy of the Liberty party newspapers to print but little of what I have written, the last few months. I submit, whether they will not owe it to myself and to the cause of truth, to depart from this policy so far, as to print this letter, in every instance, in which they print that to which it is a reply. G.S.