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Gerrit Smith Broadside and Pamphlet Collection

History of the erection of the monument on the grave of Myron Holley.

Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874.

Digital Edition.

This digitization project was supported by Regional Bibliographic Databases and Interlibrary Resources Sharing Program funds, awarded by the New York State Library.

Call number: Smith 430

HISTORY

OF THE

Erection of the Monument

ON THE GRAVE OF

MYRON HOLLEY.

Utica, N.Y.

H.H. Curtiss, Printer, Corner Genesee and Main Sts.

MDCCCXIV.

HISTORY

OF THE

Erection of the Monument

ON THE GRAVE OF

MYRON HOLLEY.

Utica, N.Y.

H.H. Curtiss, Printer, Corner Genesee and Main Sts.

MDCCCXIV.

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[3]

At a Convention of the Liberty Party of the State of New York, held at Canastota, September 20^th, 1843, Gerrit Smith offered the following Resolutions. They were, after a few remarks made by him, passed unanimously - the members of the Convention standing whilst the votes were taken. The blanks in the 2d and 3d Resolutions were filled with "Gerrit Smith."

1st. Whereas of all the public and private honors, which cluster so thickly and brightly around the name of MYRON HOLLEY, there is none so prominent and enduring, as his devoted friendship for the slave; and whereas amongst the evidences of that friendship, none is so worthy of record, as his agency in founding the Liberty Party. Resolved, therefore, that for this party to incur the expense, and have the credit, of erecting the monument on his grave would be strikingly appropriate: and that now, when this party is travelling so rapidly toward its bloodless and blessed victory over American slavery, is a peculiarly fit time to erect it.

2d. Resolved, That.................... be authorised to erect the monument at an expense of about two hundred dollars; and that the only testimony to MR. HOLLEY's worth which shall be inscribed on it, be as follows:

"THE LIBERTY PARTY

OF THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

HAVE ERECTED THIS MONUMENT

TO THE MEMORY OF

MYRON HOLLEY,

THE FRIEND OF THE SLAVE,

AND THE MOST EFFECTIVE, AS WELL AS ONE OF THE

VERY EARLIEST, OF THE FOUNDERS OF

THAT PARTY."

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3d. Resolved, That each member of the Liberty Party have the privilege of contributing one cent, no more, toward the expense of erecting the monument; and that the said............ be authorized to appoint a person in each of the free States and free Territories, whose duty it shall be to gather the contributions of his respective State or Territory, and send the same to him, the said.............

4th. Resolved, That the first day of October, 1844, shall be the period, when these contributions shall cease to be made; and that should their aggregate exceed the cost of the monument, the excess shall be given to MR. HOLLEY'S family.

In conformity with these resolutions, Mr. Smith proceeded to obtain the monument. It is of Stockbridge marble; and was made by Mr. Dixon, of Albany, under the superintendence of Orville L. Holley. On one side of the tall solid shaft is the inscription directed in the third resolution; and on the opposite side is the following inscription:

"MYRON HOLLEY.

BORN IN SALISBURY, CONNECTICUT.

APRIL 29, 1779.

DIED IN ROCHESTER,

MARCH 4, 1841.

HE TRUSTED IN GOD, AND LOVED HIS NEIGHBOR."

A very accurate likeness of MR. HOLLEY, skilfully and beautifully wrought in white Italian marble, by Mr. Carew, of Boston, is sunk in this latter side of the shaft. A friend of MR. HOLLEY was at the expense of this likeness. Another of his friends, John Allen, Mayor of Rochester, was at the expense of transporting the monument from Albany to Rochester: and the Mayor and Common Council of the latter city presented the eminently beautiful lot at Mount Hope, in which MR. HOLLEY's remains were interred.

The monument was erected June 13th, 1844, under a remarkably pleasant sky, and in the presence of not less than

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six thousand persons. The first exercise, after arriving at the grave, was a prayer, in which Samuel Wells led. Then was sung, in the tune of "God Save the King," the following hymn, composed for the occasion by John Pierpont:

1. Here, where young Summer weaves
A screen of tender leaves,
Over thy grave,
And the wood-robin's wing
Around is fluttering,
Thy requiem we sing,
Friend of the slave!

2. Here, in this leafy aisle,
A monumental pile
To thee we rear;
That strangers as they're led
These shady paths to tread,
May linger by thy bed
And drop a tear.

3. Why, brother, should we mourn?
Long hast thou bravely borne
A false world's frown: -
Yet he, for whose dear sake,
Thou didst that burden take,
Well knowest how to make
Thy cross, thy crown.

4. How glowed thy lips - thy pen,
When for thy fellow men,
For e'en the thrall,
Thy spirit dared to be
With God's own freedom free,
And publish His decree,
"FREEDOM FOR ALL"

5. Tears - manly tears - will yet
These cold mute marbles wet,
Servant of God.
And clouds in mourning drest,
Low trailing from the west,
And stars, that watch thy rest,
Bedew thy sod.

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The monument was now erected; immediately after which the following hymn contributed to the occasion by William H. Burleigh, was sung in the tune of "Beatitude."

MYRON HOLLEY

Yes - fame is his: - but not the fame
For which the conqueror pants and strives,
Whose path is tracked through blood and flame,
And over countless human lives!
His name no armed battalions hail
With bugle shriek or thundering gun
No widows curse him, as they wail
For slaughtered husband and for son.

Amid the moral strife alone,
He battled fearlessly and long,
And poured, with clear, untrembling tone,
Rebuke upon the hosts of Wrong -
To break Oppression's cruel rod,
He dared the perils of the fight,
And in the name of FREEDOM'S GOD
Struck boldly for the TRUE and RIGHT

With faith, whose eye was never dim,
The triumph, yet afar, he saw,
When, bonds smote off from soul and limb,
And freed alike by Love and Law,
The slave - no more a slave - shall stand
Erect - and loud, from sea to sea,
Exultant burst o'er all the land,
The glorious song of jubilee!

Why should we mourn, thy labor done,
That thou art called to thy reward?
Rest, Freedom's war-worn champion!
Rest, faithful soldier of the LORD!
For oh, not vainly has thou striven,
Through storm, and gloom, and deepest night
Not vainly hath thy life been given
For GOD, for FREEDOM, and for RIGHT!

Then, as we stand around thy grave,
The solemn pledge let all renew,
Like thee to toil our land to save

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From the dark vengeance which is due -
So haply, shall the Lord restrain
The gathered wrath that waits to break,
Or dash it on the bondman's chain
And spare us for his mercy's sake!

Remarks were then made by Gerrit Smith, at the close of which, a vote was passed, on motion of Alvan Stewart, that Mr. Smith be requested to furnish a copy of them for the press. The following hymn by Watts, being MR. HOLLLY's favorite, was then sung in the tune of "Balerma."

There is a land of pure delight
Where saints immortal reign;
Infinite day excludes the night,
And pleasures banish pain.

There everlasting spring abides,
And never with'ring flow'rs:
Death, like a narrow sea, divides
This heav'nly land from ours.

Sweet fields beyond the swelling flood
Stand drest in living green:
So to the Jews old Canaan stood,
While Jordan roll'd between.

But tim'rous mortals start and shrink,
To cross this narrow sea,
And linger, shiv'ring on the brink
And fear to launch away.

Oh! could we make our doubts remove,
Those gloomy doubts that rise,
And see the Canaan that we love,
With unbeclouded eyes;

Could we but climb where Moses stood,
And view the landscape o'er,
Jordan's stream, nor death's cold flood,
Should fright us from the shore.

Samuel R. Ward now led in prayer; after which a few stanzas were sung by George W. Clark; and then the benediction was pronounced by Samuel R. Ward.

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REMARKS OF GERRIT SMITH.

[Mr. Smith began his remarks, immediately after the monument was erected; and stood by the side of it whilst making them.]

FELLOW CITIZENS. - The duty of the Liberty Party of the United States to the sleeping dust of MYRON HOLLEY is now done. This solid marble will permanently mark his burial place. It will tell his friends and kindred, which of these graves is the one, that calls for their sighs. It will direct to this spot the thousands of his admirers, who, on this spot, shall experience a fresh baptism of his spirit, and a fresh kindling of their admiration. Among these admirers will be men of other climes and complexions than his own. Ere long, Liberty shall have been proclaimed "throughout all this land unto all the inhabitants thereof;" and, then, black men of the far South shall often be seen directing their pilgrim steps to the grave of one, who bore a part, so distinguished and honorable, in the great work of delivering black men from the yoke of slavery.

I am not here to praise the intellect and learning of MR. HOLLEY: that intellect, to the vigor and comprehensiveness of which - that learning, to the richness and variety of which - his writings, and his unsurpassed colloquial powers so fully and so delightfully testified. I have not a word to say of his memorable agency, in providing commerce with her glorious pathway from our sea-board to our lakes; nor a word of his pre-eminent services in convincing his countrymen of the evil of secret societies: nor will I detain you with the thoughts, which I so fondly cherish on the subject of his working with his own hands. He honored manual labor; or, rather, honored himself by it. He was not ashamed to be seen going to market with vegetables, which

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the earth had yielded to his own tillage: and, when a lady of this city said: "MR. HOLLEY sells tomatoes as gracefully as he delivers phrenological lectures," she witnessed, no less truly than pleasantly, that he did not feel himself to be out of his place in this humble employment, and that he had no more consciousness of degradation in it, than when tasking the highest powers of his great mind. It was MR. HOLLEY himself, who told me, that, the morning of the day he entered his fifty-ninth year, he went into the forest with his axe upon his shoulder, and cut and piled three cords of oak wood, before night-fall.

I shall speak of but one thing in the character of MR, HOLLEY; and that is his high regard for man. For proof of this regard, I might go into the general history of his life; but, the fact, that he was an abolitionist, makes it unnecessary. This fact, being of itself abundant proof, it is unnecessary to look beyond it: and not to look beyond it is in happy keeping with the present occasion.

I said, that MR. HOLLEY was an abolitionist. Scarcely was our contest with slavery begun, ere he was enlisted in it, and his lips and pen consecrated to it. I know not, whether he had counted the cost of this enlistment and consecration. The thousands, who have joined and forsaken us, evidently did not foresee the whole cost of being an abolitionist in America. Whether MR. HOLLEY did, or did not, so it was, that he never faltered in his devotion to the cause of the slave. And that devotion cost him much. It was counted for rank fanaticism and superlative folly. It made him ridiculous and odious with thousands, who, had honored and loved him. It stirred up a malignity too rancorous and deep, for even his death to appease. Indeed, his death, as certain guilty newspapers bear me witness, was made the occasion for fresh out-pourings of that ridicule and reproach, which constituted a part of the penalty of MR. HOLLEY's espousal of the cause of human rights.

Now, that MR. HOLLEY lived and died an abolitionist, and submitted to all the sacrifices of ease and respectability,

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which it cost him to be an abolitionist, can be accounted for on no other ground, than that he cherished a deep and affectionate sense of the worth and dignity of man. We do not deny, that he, who has little to lose, by becoming an abolitionist, may become one, or, at least, may pass for one, and yet be destitute of that reverence for manhood, which was, in so high a degree, the source and nourishment of MR. HOLLEY'S interest in the slave.

There is a great deal in the world, that passes for philanthropy and a sense of human worth and dignity, which is grossly misnamed. It was not to honor human nature, that scores of thousands assembled, a year ago, on Bunker Hill. It was to honor a promptness to fight - to shed blood -even though for no higher object than to save unrighteously exacted pennies. Their contempt for the slave proves, that nine-tenths of that vast multitude cared nothing for mere manhood. This lack of respect for naked human nature is not, however, peculiar to the Bunker Hill multitude. Our Fourth of July assemblies are also guilty of it. Is it said, that it is proper to show honor to the dead, by Bunker Hill and Fourth of July celebrations? Let it be admitted, that it is proper. Nevertheless, the honor shown to the dead, by those who refuse it to the living - even, though the humblest of the living - is no tribute to human nature. They, who care more for their dead fathers than for their living brothers, give proof therein, that they feel not the sweet bonds of a common humanity; and feel not the blessedness of a conscious identification with their race; and have exceedingly inadequate conceptions of the exaltation and dignity of that race.

To infer, that they, who in temples and - it dinner parties, commemorate "the landing of the pilgrims;" or, that they, who send their religion to the distant heathen, are, therefore, the friends of man, is as unsafe, as to take it for granted, that the tears, with which an enthusiastic girl wets the pages of a romance, flow from her sympathy with simple and real human nature. The regard, which is felt for those

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long dead, or for those who dwell in distant parts of the earth, has, very generally, quite as much of poetry, as of philanthropy in it. Whether in space or time, "distance lends enchantment to the view."

[I trust, that the allusion, which I have made to the heathen, will not be construed into hostility to the duty of evangelizing them - into a rejection of the Saviour's command: "Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature."]

What, too, can be more absurd than to regard as the friends of man those religious bodies, which refuse to say, that it is wrong to enslave him? If any thing rivals this absurdity, it is the belief; that they are the friends of man, who vote power into hands, which will wield it to uphold slavery. And boast, as they may, of their humanity, what of simple and true humanity know those disciples of a spurious religion, who refuse to let persons of a certain complexion sit by their side in the house of public worship; or eat by their side; or, even, be buried by their side!

What, too, do those religionists care for simple humanity, who, whilst the poor around them are crying for bread, expend hundreds of thousands, and even millions, in the erection of a single temple! There was more of heart and of trueness to human nature in a certain vicar of Switzerland, than can be found in all such religionists put together. This vicar, observing, one day, a collection of hungry and ragged people before the door of a church, in which were richly apparelled images of saints, exclaimed: "I should like to strip those wooden idols, and clothe these poor members of Jesus Christ."

The world is in a sad condition, and will continue to be, until man, as man - until man, for his mere manhood, shall be held in honor. So long as a man must be rich, or learned, or polished, or the subject of some other adventitious attraction, in order to be valued; so long will the world abound in every variety and depth of wrong and wretchedness. Inasmuch as a very large proportion of the

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human family, have but their manhood, if that shall fail to commend them, how can the prospect of a better condition ever open upon them? So long as bare manhood is insufficient to elicit respect, the vast majority of our fellow men will be exposed to the clutches of slavery; so long will they be regarded, as fit tools for war, or, as they are contemptuously called, "food for powder;" and, so long too, will deep ignorance and abject poverty be looked upon as their appropriate lot.

Statesmen and political economists have their schemes for getting rid of the poor: but the radical and only remedy is to get rid of poverty itself; or, rather, to get rid of that spirit of aristocracy and caste, which is the disease, of which poverty is but a symptom and a fruit. Most persons believe, and claim too, that they have the Savior's authority for believing it, that, to the end of time, a large portion of the human family must, necessarily, be poor. But, poverty is no more necessary than sin; or, rather, than any other sin. I say no more necessary than any other sin; because to the common remark: "It is no sin to be poor," I do not subscribe. I do not say, that the subject of poverty is always, or even generally the sinner: but, I do say, that his poverty argues the existence of sin somewhere. When the Savior said, that there would always be poverty, He virtually said, that there would always be sin.

England is groaning under the burden, the crushing burden, of her multitudinous poor. But, suppose, her rich and proud ones were to be inspired with the love of man. Obeying the Savior and the impulses of their changed hearts, they would, at once, welcome to their hospitalities the inmates of Alms-houses and Work-houses, the ragged beggars of the streets, and the many, whom poverty has been the chief agent in driving to brothels and other dens of iniquity. What would be the effect of such a turning of the hearts of those rich and proud ones to these poor and despised ones? What less than that the hearts of these poor and despised ones should gratefully turn to their ben-

B

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efactors? This association of the rich with the poor - of the haughty with the humble would, indeed, be blest both to them, who stooped down to it, and to them, who were raised up to it. On the one hand, it would put the idle and the vicious poor on their good behavior; would stimulate them to a career of industry and virtue; would supply with new and efficient motives for self-improvement both the honest and dishonest poor, whose self-respect is now withered, and whose energies are now postrated by the neglect and scorn which they suffer. On the other hand, it would teach those, who had proudly and disdainfully forsaken the masses of their fellow men, how much more of true honor and true happiness there is in the natural position of standing by the side of their brother, than in the unnatural position of standing upon him.

Do for the poor what you will - "though you bestow all your goods to feed the poor, and though you give your body to be burned" - all will be vain, unless you hold out to them the honest right hand of human brotherhood. But that token of your love for them - that recognition of their place in the human family and in your hearts - would, as I have already said, bring blessings to yourselves, as well as to them. If, among its happy consequences, would be the disappearance of their poverty, the giving up of your pride of riches would be among them also. You may multiply Poor-houses - but it will avail nothing. The Poor-house, that cruel device, will still prove itself to be as useless, as it is cruel: for, instead of arresting the spread of poverty, it has the effect of increasing it, by its heart-hardening influence on the rich, and by its killing influence on the self-respect, on the hope, on the entire heart, of the poor. The Poor-house, like the American Colonization Society, takes from our sight, and, in taking from our sight, takes from our sympathy also, those, whose presence and association with us are vitally needed for their and our mutual welfare - for their and our mutual nourishment of their and our wronged and sickly manhood. Like that Society also,

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it produces in us a loathing of those, whom we should love; and whom we can no more afford to loathe, than they can to be loathed. Let us keep the poor with us. "Out of sight out of mind," is an adage of most emphatic application, in this case. Let us not drive them away from us. Let us "hide not ourselves from our own flesh." Let us not be like the statesmen of whom Wordsworth speaks, in his Cumberland Beggar: "who," in their impatience of the poor,

"have a broom still ready in their hands
To rid the world of nuisances."

The rich and the poor should dwell together. Their intermixture is for the profit of both. It cannot fail to result in a similarity of their circumstances, and in the production of a character common to both, and far better than now belongs to either.

A few years ago, I spent a Sabbath in one of the large towns of Western New York; and, as is my wont, when I have the opportunity, I worshipped with a company of colored people. The unregulated zeal of not a few of my fellow worshippers was loud and frenzied, indecent and disgusting. Whence this gross violation of propriety? It was clearly traceable to their exclusion from the society of the well informed. Had they been allowed to associate with their white brethren, they would have participated in the intelligence of those brethren. Had they, instead of being shut out from the temples of those brethren by arrangements and restrictions, such as even the most degraded can scarcely brook-had they, instead of this outrage upon their equal rights, and, instead of being compelled to herd together in their ignorance and fanaticism, been allowed to worship with those brethren - they would have fallen not at all behind them, in the knowledge and observance of a deportment proper to the sanctuary. I hardly need add, that I found the authors of this deep and cruel wrong disingenuous enough to make its very natural effects, of which I have now spoken, their plea for inflicting it: -

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for, who does not know, that the persecutors of our colored brethren, always refer to the ignorance and degradation of those brethren, to justify the policy of keeping them ignorant and degraded? I would, in this connexion, advert to the great radical mistake on the subject of education. A concern for the public safety, and, I admit, a measure of benevolence also, are multiplying schools for the enlightenment of what are called the lower classes. I would not

speak disparagingly of schools. Nevertheless, they are an inferior agency in the work of education. The practically admitted equality of all men, and the free intercourse of all human minds with all human minds, and of all human hearts with all human hearts, would contribute to this work unspeakably more than schools can. Besides, whilst on the one hand, schools have utterly failed to produce this admission of equality and this intercourse; this admission and this intercourse would, on the other hand, prepare the way for the amplest supply of schools. . This object - the enlightenment of the lower classes - cannot be effected, until the cord of caste is cut, and the lower classes are permitted to mingle freely with the higher; - until, indeed, all classes are permitted to constitute one class. Under the present arrangements of society, the masses must, necessarily, remain in ignorance. Boston boasts much of her free schools, and of the accessibility of her fountains of knowledge to all grades and classes of her people. But, let the barriers, which aristocracy has erected in that city, be thrown down, and more would be done in five years, toward making the diffusion of knowledge and the blessing of education commensurate with her whole population, than can be done in five hundred years, if these barriers remain. I admit, that, even in the present state of the world - that, even in the present order, or rather disorder, of things - something is done, and more may be, to enlighten, comfort, and bless, the ignorant, the poor, and the wretched. But the pride of rank has built thick and high its division wall across the human brotherhood; and to every attempt for the welfare

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of the many, it frowningly replies: "Hitherto shalt thou come, but no farther."

And, not only is aristocracy an insuperable obstacle to the universality of education; but, the aristocrats themselves are, by the very exclusiveness of their spirit, prevented from obtaining a sound education. The legitimate end of education, or rather true education itself, is an increase of sympathy with God, come that increase from whatever sources it may. He is the best educated man, who has attained to the deepest and most abiding sympathy with his Maker. But that a man should sympathise with his Maker, and not with the human family, is an impossibility. "He that loveth not his brother, whom he bath seen, how can he love God, whom be bath not seen?" It is, without exception, true, that he, whose sympathies are too select to embrace the whole human family, is still unacquainted with the great heart and real character of God: and it is also true, without exception, that he, who is the subject of this unacquaintance, is, in the view of such, as rightly define knowledge and education, most emphatically ignorant and uneducated - and this too, whatever books and schools may have done for him.

The favorite motto of some of the nascent Industrial Associations of our country is: "Our evils are social not political." Are they not, however political, as well as social? - and do not both have their source in our evils, which are individual? If our social are greater than our political evils, and I admit, that they are, it is only, because from their nearer position to our individual evils, they partake more largely of the influence and character of those individual evils. Neither our social nor political evils can be remedied, until our individual evils are. We must, individually, begin inward, and work outward. The correction of our political and social evils, must begin in the reformation of the individual man: - and though, I admit, that such reformation is rendered far more difficult by the hinderances, which flow from a false state and structure of society; it is, nevertheless, as absurd to depend

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on right political and social arrangements to produce the reformation of individual character, as it is to begin to build your house at the top, instead of the bottom. Such arrangements would, it is true, react very favorably on individual character. It would, however, still be found, that right individual character must, under God, be created by the man to whom it belongs; and not by the society or the body politic, of which he, is a member. We must, individually, get our hearts right toward our brother; and then, and not till then, will society be right. I say, it will then, and not till then, be right; - for society, is, simply, the aggregation of the individuals, who compose it - not a chemical compound, which is unlike its constituent elements.

The pride - begotten distinctions of society, which men cherish so jealously, find no warrant - no countenance whatever - in the life and teachings of the Son of God. It was not for learned man, nor rich man, nor polished man, nor white man, that He came into the world to die. It was

for man. With Him, rank was of no more account than obscurity. It was the Savior's own religion, which taught the poet:

"The rank is but the guinea's stamp

The man's the gowd."*

Jesus Christ requires us to have infinitely more regard for man than for all the appendages of man - even, of that man, who is the greatest favorite of fortune. And when He teaches us, that, in the great trial day of character, He will avenge, as a direct wrong to Himself, the wrong, which has been done to "the least" of men, He therein teaches us, how great, in His sight, is the value of simple manhood.

The people of this land are highly favored in having unsurpassed advantages for ascertaining, whether their philanthropy is really the love of man, or but the love of something, which is extrinsic to man. Here are millions of the most debased specimens of humanity. Slavery has stripped them of every right, and subjected them to every wrong, and set no bounds to its war upon their manhood.

*Gold.

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Nevertheless, they remain men - our brother men: and, if we cannot love them in all their degradation, and wretchedness, and ruin, our philanthropy is but a profession.

These poorest of God's poor - these outcasts from human sympathy - MYRON HOLLEY loved. His refinement and elevation did not prevent the setting of his heart upon these coarse and grovelling ones. Notwithstanding the obloquy and ridicule to which if exposed him, lie clung to this despised and forsaken portion of his Great Father's family, and vindicated their claims to a place in that family. Why did he so? Because he loved man - loved him for his mere manhood. Because he was a real, not a dram philanthropist. For this, his trueness to human nature, we cherish his memory, and have assembled, this day, to honor it. For this we love to think of him - to talk of him to one another, to our children, our neighbors. For this, the better generations, which shall come after us, will leave the names of proslavery men to rot, and will hallow the name of MYRON HOLLEY.

Members of the Liberty party! we have now paused, as it were for a moment, to render a merited respect to a departed brother. Our grief still flows, that such a brother - such a standard bearer - has fallen - has fallen, too, in so early a stage of our conflict, and whilst there was yet so much further need of his counsels and courage. But we have a higher duty than to in for the dead. From this sacred spot - from this grave of our thrice beloved friend where we are now yielding ourselves up to the holy and melting memories, that throng around it, we are summoned right onward to the imperative and unfinished duty, which we owe the slave. That duty is the employment of all the power for his deliverance, which the Constitution of our country, as interpreted by the interpreters itself has provided, gives to us. More than this extent of political power we cannot honestly attempt to employ: nor would more be necessary to effectuate the speedy and bloodless overthrow of American slavery, were but a majority of the voters of the free States to range themselves on the side of

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the slave. With that majority, we could cleanse the National government, character, and example, of the pollutions of slavery: and, that done, slavery in the slave States would lack what is as vital to its continued existence, as oxygen to animal life. I spoke of the urgency of our duty to the slave. Nothing, however, has been lost by our visit to the grave of MYRON HOLLEY. We shall go away from it to the more efficient discharge of that duty, because we shall go away from it with more of the spirit Of MYRON HOLLEY in our hearts. We shall go away from it, to arrive, not the later, but the earlier, at the goal of victory. But, ere we go, let me glance at the fact, that Mr. HOLLEY was a religious man. He believed:

"Tis not the whole of life to live,
Nor all of death to die."

Indeed, for him to become an abolitionist, and especially such an abolitionist, as he did become, could have been, only because he was a religious man - only because his Savior had taught him, that he "should not call any man common or unclean." Ms. HOLLEY was a man of faith and prayer. His anti-slavery was, not like that of too many, a reliance on human wisdom and human strength only. During his last sickness, he said to his daughter: "I pray every day, for the slave and slave-holder." Two days before his death, he clasped his hands, and raised his voice and said: "I die in the full faith of God, of the Lord Jesus Christ, and of a glorious resurrection." The day before he died, as his wife stood by his bed, he looked up to her, and said calmly, but with deep earnestness: "I shall probably be dead, in a few hours. Let the funeral be plain. I believe I shall be permitted to enter heaven, and, when I get there, I shall think of you all, and love you always."

We trust, that our beloved brother is now enjoying the life, which is better than the present life. God be praised, that this better life is, through the merits of His dear Son, within the reach of us all. But, let us all remember, that the way to it leads not around, but through the duties of the present life.