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Gerrit Smith Broadside and Pamphlet Collection

Juvenis, to the electors of the county of Madison.

Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874.

Digital Edition.

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Call number: Smith 401

JUVENIS

TO THE

ELECTORS

OF THE

COUNTY of MADISON

To the Electors of the County of Madison

THE author of these pages has resided amongst you from his childhood; and his right to address you upon subjects, that pertain equally to yourselves and him, and the importance of which is immeasurable, will not, he trusts, be questioned.- He may well be diffident of success in his present undertaking; for it is difficult, perhaps, even to impossibility. He may well wish that other and abler hands had risked it; for it is not only the pain of blasted hopes, that he must experience, in the event of his failure; but the misconstruction of his motives, the stings of ridicule, and the treasured and enduring hatred of those, whose interests he has attacked, will be but little more tolerable.

The author is far from indulging extravagant and gloomy forebodings as to the destinies of this favored country. Her institutions and the character of her people; the diffusion and almost universality of elementary learning within her borders; and, more especially, the increasing spirit of gratitude, which feels and suitably acknowledges the numberless blessings by which heaven distinguishes her among all the nations of the earth, are so many cheering evidences, that, America is the everlasting residence of liberty, and that those political establishments, divised by our forefathers, and cemented by their blood, shall endure triumphantly even to the end of time. But, it is not in the language of fondness and zeal only, that, we should disocurse about our country.-The magnitude and value of her interests, notwithstanding their probable security, should make us vigilant for their preservation, and direct our fears and jealousies towards every cause, that might possibly endanger them. You will accordingly pardon the writer for his attempt to spread amongst yourselves, a sus-

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picion of public danger, which has entered into his breast; and although he has not the vanity to impute the existence of this suspicion in himself, amidst the general serenity and repose reflected by the smooth sea of our public affairs, to superior discernment and patriotism, yet, he cannot admit. that, in this instance, he is alarmed by the mere mouldings of his imagination.

The essential difference between a truly republican and a despotic form of government is, that. the subjects of the first, in obedience to the clear and sacred purposes of nature, are equally invested with the whole political power; whilst, in the other, a single individual, either from the accident of birth or some other cause, still less worthy, obtains an absolute mastery over the millions of degraded and enslaved beings, who inhabit his empire. Happily for the American people, they are not stripped of the inalienable birth-right of liberty; they enjoy the blessings of a free government, and no tyrant restrains them from the pursuit of their "own true and substantial happiness." Such shall continue to be their condition, so long as they remain the faithful guardians of their trust; so long as they shall keep in exercise those political rights, which are their precious and blood-bought inheritance. But if ever the evil day shall arrive, when these rights, like other possessions to which we are habituated, shall have lost their value with us, and we shall no longer appreciate or heed them; when supineness shall be generally found in the stead of an active love of country, and patriotic and liberal feelings shall be merging themselves in a spirit of sordid selfishness and indifference to the public good, - then, it may be too late for the services of the friendly advisers - too late to sound alarm to those, who cannot feel and who cannot escape.

We will here consider in what the exercise of this political power, equally distributed among the subjects of a truly republican government, does, of right, principally

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consist; and, if it should appear, that, in the hands of the Electors of the County of Madison, it has been perverted and neglected, they must not complain, if charged with the dereliction of a most sacred duty; and they must not disappoint the hopes of those, who will expect to find in their future conduct more political honesty and faithfulness. I confine myself to the Electors of the County of Madison; not but that the applicability of my arguments might be extended to many if not all the counties in the state, and to many if not all the counties in several other states; but, because, in restricting my address to this portion of my fellow citizens, I can maintain my conclusions by facts that have passed under their observation, and which, of course, they will not, cannot deny.

Every officer under our state as well as our federal government, is, as such, the creature of the people; and his distinction is conferred upon him, either immediately by the exercise of their elective rights; or, if it arrive to him through intermediate channels, these are too few and too direct to lessen the sense of his accountability to the original source of his power. If such, then, be the nature; of our government, that, all political power is with the people, and that, after short and ascertained intervals, they are allowed to exercise it in the choice of their rulers,-to whom alone can blame attach, if these rulers are not qualified for their stations?

The Electors of Madison County are now called upon to review the part, which they have acted in this matter. It is now sixteen years since the formation of this county. Have all the delegates of your authority and power; your legislative as well as your county officers been invariably, through that period, such men as are unexceptionable in all the relations of private life, and such as are respected for the able and faithful discharge of the public trusts confided to them? Have they invariably been men of that character, which elicits your own esteem, and to which you

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direct the study and the imitation of your children? Have they, in short, been invariably men of those distinguishing excellencies, which it is your satisfaction and delight to honor? If they have not been of this description; but, if, on the contrary: through perverseness or negligence, you have suffered the institutions and liberties of your country to go into the keeping of men weak in understanding and corrupt in heart,-then, how will you manifest to the world? -how will you persuade yourselves that you are worthy of the political power vested in you?

That your favors have not been confined to the undeserving, and, that, merit is not always disregarded by you is very evident, in the instances of our two citizens, who have represented us in the councils of the general government, and have proven themselves worthy of their official honors. Can as much be said in favor of the Madison County members of Assembly? Oh no!-and, although, it is gratifying to find in the catalogue of them some respectable names, and especially, those of several intelligent and upright farmers; yet is it apprehended, that a severe scrutiny into their respective abilities and fitness for such elevated and responsible stations would order, at least, as many to the left hand as to the right. To particularize amongst these gentlemen would be extremely invidious, and to you, who are acquainted with them all, it would be superfluous. It is sufficient, if what has been said shall excite your recollections of them. Most emphatically might we enquire of the Electors of Madison County, whether all the gentlemen Senators culled from amongst them, - whether, indeed, any of them, were recommended by their peculiar qualifications for an office second to no other in the immediate gift of the people, in point, either of responsibility or dignity? - whether, indeed, they all possess that exalted wisdom, that unshaken firmness, and that unsuspected integrity, which are associated with the name, and which were so strikingly exemplified in the

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Senators of Republican Rome? Was it right to expect of you, that, you would select your ablest men to assist in amending the constitution of our state? to assist in revising the labors of men, whose distinguished talents and virtues are no inconsiderable part of our national glory? or was it a light and unimportant labor to make a constitution, which ascertains the terms of our political compact, and which defines the rights of a million and a half of people? If you did not think it so, why did you so widely disproportion the means to the undertaking?-why did you put upon pigmies the appropriate labor of giants?

Pause here and dispassionately and honestly investigate the pretensions of certain men to the care-and control of your precious interests, and to the enjoyment of the high honors, which you lavish upon them. Compare them with those amongst you, whose talents and virtues justly command your esteem, and who richly deserve promotion at your hands. I anticipate your ready conclusion. You will say, that, you have disgraced yourselves, and, that you have shamefully and criminally abused your elective rights. In reviewing the list of your county officers also, you will find names, that will prompt you to use a language not less plain and indignant. But you will not stop with this naked and unqualified condemnation of yourselves. There is an excuse at hand, which will serve you, at least, in a short-lived defence; and that excuse brings into view the very evil, the nature and consequences of which it is a principal object of this publication to present to you. You will deny, that, the election of these unsuitable men, in the manner and under the circumstances by which it is effected, indicates, of necessity, your approbation of them; and you will attribute their success to the authority of the conventions which nominate them for office; a kind of authority, that, under the favor of custom has become so strong and extended, and to which the Electors of this

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County have so long indulged a habitual submission, that, most of them would rather bear with the occasional violence it offers to their principles and inclinations, than break out into an unavailing resistance to it.

Nominating conventions, which now so generally obtain in several of the United States, but which are evidently losing their hold upon public opinion, originated in a political conjuncture of our country, which, if it did not make them unavoidable, gave them, at least, a color of propriety. I allude to the period in which the nation divided itself into the powerful and respectable parties under the appellations of "Republicans" and "Federalists." The grounds of their controversy were not only distinct and intelligible to the community at large; but, when we consider the importance of them, and, that, among them were the terms upon which the States should confederate and the measure of power, which they should surrender to the strength of the Federal head, we shall not be surprised at. the infinite solicitude awakened by this importance, and the skilful and constant exertions for ascendency, which were made by these competitors. There is no doubt, but, that, through the means of nominating conventions, each party could more extensively and completely discipline its forces and systematize and unite its efforts; and to this end they were adopted. The dictates of these conventions were paramount to the wills of the individuals composing the party; for the prosperity and the very existence of the party depended upon their universal and prompt submission to them. In other words, these conventions were a mere contrivance to collect the strength of a party, and to give it that direction, which its interests required. But, for these, that diversity of opinion and inclination, which especially, as regards the merits of men, is to be seen at all times and among all people, would have displayed itself in the selection and support of rival candidates by members of the same party; and laboring under such internal disagree-

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ments, they could not have withstood the unity of purposes and efforts in their opponents.

But even admitting, that, during this contest about the leading measures of the federal government and about the nature itself of that government, these Conventions were justifiable, - I ask, upon what reasons and by what arguments can their continuance at the present time be maintained ? now, that an age,,almost, has elapsed since the subjects of our government have universally concurred in the unrivalled excellence of its form, and now, that, differing opinions as to the principal measures to be pursued by its administrators, have, under the teachings of experience, come to be harmonized into a common conviction of the path that leads to national glory and felicity. It is not pretended, that, there exists an universal concordance of sentiments and views upon each particular subject, in which the Union is, in any wise, concerned. The world is not yet advanced to the enjoyment of such phenomena. They will correspond only with the fulness of millennial concord and harmony. For instance, there is a wide difference of opinion amongst us, as to the extent of legislative encouragement, that can be granted to our domestic manufactures, consistently with an impartial and equal regard to all the cardinal interests of the nation. Again, one person is persuaded of the advantages of a general law of bankruptcy, whilst the mere mention of it, fills another with alarm. So, also, there are some to advocate the increase of our standing army, whilst an opposite cast of mind, prognosticates from its existence, the eventual subversion of our liberties. Disagreements of this kind are to be expected. My assertion is only, that, all difference of opinion as to the principles in controversy between the parties styled "Republicans" and "Federalists" has near1y, if not entirely ceased; and, that, consequently, nominating conventions should be abolished, unless their continuance can be made to depend upon new and sufficient

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reasons, and unless it can be shown, that, general parties, which are kept in being and maintained principally by them, are the means of placing the best men in our political councils, and, that, they are falsely charged with disturbing the tranquillity of private life and with exerting a baneful influence upon all its amicable and precious relations.

The writer is aware, that, he will be met in this stage of his argument by a host of office-hunters and demagogues, whose whole consequence, and, in some instances, whose whole living depend upon their unwearied labors to keep alive the worn out names of "Republican" and "Federalist." These interested and designing politicians, are sensible of the, magical virtues which those names possess ; and they make their noisy patriotic boasts of the one, and their jeering and angry denunciations of the other, as accords to the partialities and prejudices of those with whom they have to do, and from whom they expect the favor of their official honors. That this bait for popularity, stale as it is, proves effectual in some instances, will not be denied, - at least, by the Electors of Madison County; and well, if this disgraceful truth should be repentingly felt by them; for when, within the last six or eight years, in which that has been the invariably triumphant party name in this state, has the enchanting cry of "Republican," failed to produce that success which the brawling office-seekers of our county expected from it ? When, in all that time, has it not been enthusiastically responded to by the thoughtless and ignorant, and when, moreover, has it not drawn into disgraceful subservience, much unsuspecting, candor and good sense ? Would you see the political intriguer courting favor under the name of "Federalist," also? Go then, to a county or a district where there is a more general partiality to this name than to the other, and you will lament to see this partiality so easily awakened to serve the most disgraceful purposes.

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It would be idle, if not ridiculously superfluous, to enter upon a train of sober reasoning, in order to show that no causes any longer remain to justify the attempts making by some to continue, and even to perpetuate the distinction of "Federalists" and "Republicans." Suffice it to say, that the general policy of the Federal government is settled forever; and it is now immaterial, whether that policy is more in accordance with the views and projects of one of the old parties than with those of the other, since time has proved its excellence and established it upon the basis of universal consent. Happily, it is in very few of the States, that these names any longer, produce an excitement; and the operations of the general government do not, in the least, savor of this distinction. So far is it from being recognized at the seat of the national government, that whoever should attempt to revive it there, would make himself most sure of repulse and ridicule. It will be long, very long, before a distinguished personage of this State will again undertake to spread through the Union, the flame of indignation which burned in his honest bosom, on account of the appointment of a Post-Master, whose scars and whose worth were unseen and forgotten in the glaring sin of his ancient Federalism. May that gentleman derive a profitable lesson from the reaction of that misjudged effort: and, may it lead others who have displayed their victorious skill, and acquired their unenviable characters in the arena of state politics, to suspect in themselves a resulting perverseness and contraction o f mind; and may it caution them against carrying into the liberal councils of the nation, feelings inflated by successes as petty and ignoble, when compared with the glorious conquests to be wrought by the enlightened statesman in the unbounded field of Republican America, as are the duplicity and stratagems of an Indian skirmish, in comparison with the world-depending manoeuvres of Trafalgar or Waterloo.

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It is not to be denied, that strong and sincere attachments to these names, still linger in the bosoms of many, especially, of those who were among the first to bear them, and who have, accordingly, spent a great portion of their lives under the habitual influence of those feelings connected with them. Heaven be thanked! the tempest has passed-but it was too violent and too long continued, that the billows of political feelings which it excited, should immediately sleep from their agitation. Even, as far down, as our late war with Great Britain, there appeared a striking and painful evidence of this truth; and those, who entertain the theory of a State being benifitted by political parties, would do well to look to that instance for a picture of some of their deplorable consequences. To so high a degree did the mutual dislikes of "Federalists" and "Republicans" rise, at that period, that they were scarcely less studious of acquiring advantages over one another, than over the common enemy. I am far from imputing equal blame to the conduct of these parties, at that time. That of the "Federalists" is certainly indefensible and altogether without excuse. They may indeed, and with much truth, charge the "Republican" party with having been precipitate in declaring war against a powerful nation, whilst we were almost wholly unprepared to prosecute it; and with having, in their bitter and unrelenting, hatred of England, nurtured a culpable partiality for her "natural enemy" upon the Continent. But, this does not alleviate their own fault. They should have regarded the declaration of war, however improper and unnecessary , in their own eyes, as the signal for the burial of all internal dissensions; and so far from distracting the councils and weakening the arm of our Government, their patriotism, should, in this season of their country's trial, have prevailed over the weakness of harboring party jealousy and hate, and have brought them to merge those unworthy feelings in a spirited and sworn determination to unite

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their hearts and their hands against the lawfully declared enemies of their beloved country. But, notwithstanding that the conduct of certain "Federalists," during the late war, was reproachable to the last degree; yet, no reflecting, honest man will argue from it, that they were less friendly to the political institutions of their country than were the "Republicans;" or, that they put a less value upon their liberty, and property, and happiness. Something, indeed, far more reprehensible than folly, stamps the attempt of that man, who would stigmatize a large and respectable portion of his countrymen, by suspecting them of indifference or enmity to their country, and by publishing them as unworthy of her confidence and her official trusts. No - as has been intimated in a preceding sentence, it is to national parties, which are hurtful at all times, and which,- in certain emergencies, bring destruction upon the people afflicted by them, that, we are to attribute the opposition of the "Federalists, as a party, to the measures pursued by our Government in the declaration and conduct of the late war. I am sensible that this unqualified disapprobation of political parties, contravenes the opinions of many men, infinitely wiser and better than myself. There are many, who believe, with our great and venerable Jefferson, that "their existence is salutary, inasmuch, as they act as censors on each other, and keep the principles and the practice of each, constantly at the bar of public opinion." We have nothing, indeed, to fear from the kind of political parties which the philosophical ex-President must have had in his eye, when he expressed this opinion of them. I only regret, that it is a kind, belonging to the huge bundle of impracticable theories, and, that it requires an age, more purely intellectual and more unclouded by passion than our own, to realize it. So far, as political parties are the offspring of an honest difference of sentiments and views; so far, as they are actuated by disinterested and patriotic motives, and so.

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far as they are just and candid to the opinions and measures of one another, they are, unquestionably, the means of eliciting truth, and of enlightening those within the sphere of their influence. But, if ever there were such parties, they were such only in their infancy: they soon became selfish and illiberal opponents, and that earnestness in the cause of truth and for the public good, which characterized their beginning, soon degenerated into an infatuating zeal for

the destruction of one another. It is true, that political parties will occasionally spring up under all governments, that leave the minds of their subjects unfettered; and, if left to die away with the causes that begat them, they are, perhaps, no evil. I am not advising that they should be kept out of existence, for, in the nature of things, in the nature of man, they will occasionally appear. I merely argue, that, they should not be encouraged; that they should not be systematized and perpetuated, and, that, . some temporary diversity of political opinion should not be tortured and spun out into a lasting distinction, which shall serve no better purpose, than that of dividing a nation into two bands of mutual spies, watching the conduct of one another with all those jealous and malignant dispositions which grow out of a collision of strong interests, and which so strikingly mark the selfishness of politics. My remarks upon political parties are confined to free governments. In monarchies, and especially, in those where the press has no liberty, and where the motives, and much of the conduct of the rulers are studiously concealed from the ruled, I have no doubt, that their lynx-eyed vigilance is beneficial, inasmuch as it checks the abuse of power, and guards the rights of the people. But, certainly, this argument is not applicable to the United States. Here, the proceedings of every official department, lie open to the inspection of the people. No measures-no steps of the government are inaccessible to their inquiries; and a knowledge of their political situation is, at all times, as

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free, and I had almost said, as common as the light of Heaven. Under our government, we cannot enjoy any of the benefits, which probably result, to other nations from the maintenance of political parties, whilst we are exposed to all the evils of them. Every American advocates the freedom of the press; but of what avail is that freedom to us, when it partakes of the licentious and misrepresenting spirit of party? Better, for us, that, the press were doomed to silence, than, that, we should listen to its deceiving language, after it has been perverted from a candid teacher of truth into a mere instrument for party purposes. It is to the press unbiassed, and unshackled, that, we, as a people, are indebted for all our political information; as well, for the knowledge of the conduct of our own government, as for that of others. Are political parties then, which, at seasons of their greatest excitement, rob us, almost wholly, of these advantages, desirable? and are they proper objects of encouragement? For, it is fool hardiness to deny, that, a very large majority of the conductors of our public prints, during the prevalence of strong party feeling, sacrifice their independence and their usefulness, under the temptings of mercenary hopes and the common infatuation of the times. They enlist themselves into one party or the other, and apply all their powers to the single object of mutual destruction. Would we then enjoy the full and incalculable blessings of a free press; would we cherish it as the palladium of civil and political and religious liberty, - let us expose it, as little as possible, to the corruption of political parties and. to the lying spirit, which too generally actuates them. The evil here alluded to is but one among the innumerable unhappy effects, that flow from organized political parties. A spirit attends them, which diseases the public mind and deprives it of the healthful offices of sober reason; which, allying itself to the worst passions and encouraging the most dangerous tendencies in the human

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breast, rapidly contaminates and destroys those principles of justice and those feelings of candor and kindness whence spring all the relations and intercourse of society, and which, as we value the stability and the very existence of our republican government, must be preserved in their purity and vigor.

To return then to the subject of nominating conventions. - When you have once conceded the obvious truth, that, the distinction, of "Federalists" and "Republicans" is no longer real nor pretended, excepting in those instances, where it is to promote sinister views; that, these parties are intermixed and have entirely lost their distinctness, and that there is now as much diversity of political sentiments, or rather wrangling for once among the individuals who composed one of these parties, as there ever was between the two parties; and when you have farther conceded, that, political parties are so far from being beneficial to us, as to be invariably fraught with danger to our free institutions, what necessity, or rather what excuse remains for the continuance of these conventions? Certainly none. - But how numerous and weighty are the arguments for their prompt abolition! They should be abolished, because it is through them principally, that, political parties are organized, and perpetuated. No reason, however, so loudly calls for their abolition, as, that, they restrain and almost annihilate your constitutional rights of electing your rulers; as, that, their dictations and appointments are made to take the place of your unrestrained choice and selections. - And is so great an evil connected with the existence of these conventions? And will you longer countenance what attacks the essence of your political liberty and the life-principle of your government? If you do, it will be with an ill grace, that, you shall boast of our free government. - For, know, that, a government is' free, so far only, as it is a government of the people; and that, a government of the people means, that its

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that its officers emanate from the free will and are the selections of the great body of the Electors. When you have dispassionately and fully inquired into the nature and effects of these nominating conventions, you will be prepared to say, whether upon this subject I am exciting my mind with mere fancies, or whether I am revolving truths of serious and fearful import. Take as an instance one of our own County Conventions. It consists of twenty or thirty men, collected together from different parts of the county-men of what description? I will not say, that they are invariably office-seekers, and the agents of office-seekers; but the palpable truth, that they are generally such, will not be denied. With very few exceptions, they are either those, or the emissaries and instruments of those, belonging to that class of men, who are the nerves and sinews of political parties, and for whose interests alone such parties are maintained. They agree amongst themselves who shall be the officers of the County, and who shall represent it in the national and state legislatures. We are officially informed of their proceedings, and called upon to sanction them at the polls; and who of us all is so bold as to withhold his favor and obedience from the doings and requirements of his own party's convention? Would he avoid having the ban of the party proclaimed against his "damnable heresy," - would he escape the stigma of disorganizer and radical, and a hundred worse epithets, - let him not presume to think and to act for himself, or to recollect his sacred privileges as a freeman - but like the good Catholic, who cheerfully loses his own will in the commands of the Pope, let his passiveness acknowledge the infallibility of his party's convention. Nor shall we be surprised at the kind of men usually put in nomination, when we have looked at the general character of these conventions. For the most part, they are assemblages of office-seekers and demagogues; of beings too sordid and selfish to experience the slightest emotions

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of patriotism or to be at all concerned with the interests of the public. So far from carrying into these meetings a sense of accountability to the people and an earnest and exclusive desire to promote , the interests of the people, their every proceeding in them partakes of the base policy of widening and continuing their own influence; of clustering upon themselves all offices of emolument or honor, and of keeping alive the spirit of party with which is connected all their importance and hopes, and which cannot expire without dropping them at once into their original obscurity and insignificance. To this end they would certainly he very short-sighted were they to select for office, men whose discernment and integrity would detect and disappoint their ambitious schemes. Oh no! their interests require, that, the power of the people be delegated to creatures of supple materials, who will consent to be the tools of party and will subserve the purposes of those, who were forward in promoting them. Call up in your minds the conduct of those loud officious demagogues, into whose hands you betray your dearest rights-rights that were transmitted to you to be exercised by yourselves and not by self-constituted agents. Is not that conduct strikingly characterized by a jealousy of every thing, that is truly good and great? Is it not referrable to a mean, levelling spirit? - to a stimulating fear, lest in the prevalence of candor and good sense, worth should come to be more generally appreciated, and the whole band of political jugglers be turned out of favor and detested? Can you reasonably suppose, that, such men will select the most suitable persons for office? You cannot - and you cannot but know, that the state of New-York is justly complained of on account of the general unfitness of her officers, and that this disgrace, and I may add, sin, is ascribable to her nominating conventions. But for these, think you, our standard of a state legislator would be so low? But for these, would the influence of our mighty and towering

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state be unfelt upon the national congress, through the feebleness of her own representatives? Think you, that, if these nominating conventions were abolished, and the people of this state were the electors in fact; as well as in name, that, the character of our public functionaries would so frequently give occasion for unfavorable inferences as to the talents and integrity of our leading men? Think you, that, in such a desirable case, Madison County would continue to be represented in her political offices with such exceptionable men as I have alluded to in one of the first pages of this pamphlet? Think you moreover, that, she would, in that case, contribute so far towards electing to the second executive office in the state a man more notorious than any other, within the limits of our acquaintance, for a violation of all the decencies of society and for a scoffing contempt of all religious and moral restraints a man, whose name alone, associating all the disgusts of vice and profligateness, has for an almost immemorial time offended the moral sense of the community? You can scarcely believe that you gave such a man, for such an office, a majority of more than six hundred votes, and that too, over a rival candidate in whom are blended all those qualities which command confidence and esteem and fit their possessor for the most responsible stations. Notwithstanding the disfranchising effects of these conventions upon you, still those, who advocate their continuance and the existence of political parties, and the most clamorous defenders of the "people's rights," and make the lowest bows to the "sovereignty of the people." Do not be deceived and cullied by them any longer. See for yourselves how small and how mean a part falls to you under the Caucus system. If you take any interest in the politics of the state, you individually cannot avoid, being numbered with one or other of the general parties, which this system maintains. So far from exercising the constitutional right of selecting your officers and rulers, you are simply

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called upon to approve of the selections made by your Board of Dictators, - and you are required to approve of them as you would preserve your characters from the aspersions and curses of your whole party. The part you act in this matter is no more extensive - no more honorable. Take as instance, the last election. The leaders in this County of the two parties, had respectively determined and published long before the election, and long too before the formal nominations, who were to be the rival candidates for each important office. To the person, therefore, who was hampered by a connexion with one of the parties, there was no choice, for the authorities of his party had made out his vote for him - whilst the few, whose indifference to our political contests had kept them clear of both parties, found their liberty in this respect to be of very little value to them, under the existing state of things; as in making out their tickets they were obliged to confine themselves to the two sets of candidates. For, although, neither set might suit them, yet if they voted at all, it must be for one of the two, or a mixture of both; as they would be sensible of throwing away their votes upon any persons, who were not the regularly nominated candidates, and who were not brought forward under a systematic and concerted and open support.

How strange is it, upon reflection, that this Caucus system; which so palpably implies an entire distrust of the people, should have been suffered to exist so long! For omitting to consider it as it is, a system essentially connected with the prosperity of the intriguing demagogue, and as kept alive for his benefit only; and allowing, for the sake of argument, that the wisest and best men usually compose these Caucuses, still, in every light and bearing of the subject, its existence plainly and undeniably speaks, at least. this one language; "that the people are not capable of governing themselves, and, that it is not safe to entrust to their free will and choice, the selection of their

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officers." It is superfluous to remark how unconsonant such a system is, with the genius, and spirit, and letter of a democratic government, - and, that wherever it is adopted and maintained, there is, in fact, whatever other names may be used, an aristocratic government - inasmuch as a privileged few usurp all political direction and management-not indeed, that these "privileged few," embrace, as the word "aristocratic" strictly imports, the noble and the good. I foresee, in what manner my reasonings upon this subject will be assailed. It will be said, that, these conventions are composed of the appointed agents of the people, and, that they do not, accordingly, rob the people of their elective rights. You have been afflicted with the Caucus system for so long a time, that you must have become thoroughly acquainted with its whole machinery, and a moment's recollection of the steps that are taken to make up a nominating convention, - for instance, a County Convention, will satisfy you, that the members of it are any thing else than the appointed agents of the people. When the whole formality in this business is observed, which is not often thought to be worth while, the half dozen leaders in each town of one of the political parties take it upon themselves to put up notices in two or three bar-rooms, which request those of their own party in the town, to assemble at a certain time and place, in order to make choice of delegates to attend a County Convention. These notices are issued but five or six days before the appointed meeting, and it is seldom they are read, excepting by those persons who are in the habit of frequenting the places where they are put up. This, however, is not the only or even principal reason, why ten or twelve of this offensive class of persons, usually compose the whole meeting. No, although these notices were so numerous as that every door should be disgraced by one, they would draw together no more. The yeomanry of our land; the honest and substantial part of our popula-

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tion, will take no part in these things. The atmosphere of these political nests is ungenial to those principles and feelings, which, in their pure, and guileless, and unsophisticated bosoms, have grown into habits, which they would not dismiss or have encroached upon - no, not to be versed in all the cunning, and in all the arts of duplicity and intrigue which belong to the character of the more finished demagogue. As a general remark, these meetings consist of no others than the leaders of the party in the town, who, of course, have offices to get or to save, and a few others raked in from the very sewers of society, who will serve to make up the show of numbers, and who will, at the same time, be of such pliable materials as not to distract the unanimity of them. I venture the assertion, that there have not been, within the last five years, five meetings in the towns of this County, for the choice of delegates to a County Convention, in which one tenth part of the Electors were present - nor, on an average, in that time, one twentieth part. It is idle to say, that the evil is not in the system, but in the delinquency and neglect of the deople - and that these meetings are as open to the nineteen twentieths who remain at home, as to the one twentieth who attend them. I need not enter into a train of arguments to justify their absence from them. I will only say, that the system richly deserves to be abolished, if, that, after prevailing amongst us for twenty or thirty years, it has not given such unequivocal demonstrations of its utility as to render it generally acceptable, or at least, to protect its essential parts and requirements from the neglect and contempt of a great body of the Electors. Besides, what is the object of the Caucus system, if it is not to set a guard upon the power of the people,-to curtail their elective rights, and to restrain and assimilate their individual wills under the discipline of party. What other end does it propose? How then can it be possible - that, a people, tenacious of their constitutional rights, should be

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friendly to such a system? I need not enumerate the absurdities of this system, for they must be obvious to all of you, who will give your reflections to the subject. Before I close my remarks with respect to Conventions, let me express the hope, that I shall not be numbered with that party in this County, who, at the last election, were styled "Radicals." Their mode of making out a nomination, was even more exceptionable, in my eyes, than that usually practised. A "Mass Convention" may be a popular name, but it is an impracticable thing, especially amongst us, who are Republicans of a sober and quietly disposed temperament, and who prefer the peace and gentleness of our own respective firesides to the stormy wave of the multitude, so accordant to the enthusiastic and licentious feelings of the Athenian Democrat. But, although these conventions were invariably attended by the great body of the Electors, yet there would be insurmountable objections to them. They would be too much subjected to the movements of artful and impassioned eloquence - too much exposed, in the excitement of the occasion, to the cloaked designs of demagogues, practised in all the arts of persuasion, that, we could reasonably look to them for good results. But, no person can suppose, that in this county, thousands or even hundreds will ever flock to one of these conventions. and if for one reason only, there is no danger that the people will consent to have them continued. The town, in which one should be held, on account of the comparative convenience of its voters to attend it, might suit itself in making out the whole nomination, and have no reference to the claims and wishes of other parts of the County.

My dissatisfaction with both these modes of nomination, may subject me to the charge of possessing a fastidious and querulous temper; and, it will, at least, be demanded of one who complains so much of them, to propose a substitute. I have no substitute; - but I offer a re-

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medy. Abolish them entirely, and leave the Electors to the unrestrained and free exercise of their elective rights. Let them no longer be dictated to by any set of political usurpers, but let them choose their own rulers, and vote for whomsoever they please. Until this is done, we may indeed continue to cherish, with wonted fondness and pride, the theory of our Republican Government, but Madison County, certainly will not be the theatre of all, or even its principal practical effects. "The sovereignty of the people," "that charming phrase," may still grace the lips of our demagogues, but none, however, save the un-thinking and deluded, can credit its import. Let the Electors of this County abolish these nominating conventions, and they will, for the first time during their residence in it, come into the enjoyment of two constitutional rights, which are the main pillars in our political edifice. I mean the right of every Elector to express his choice of his rulers, and the right of every person to be a candidate for such offices as he may constitutionally enjoy. I need not repeat my arguments, which go to satisfy every rational mind, that the Caucus system, deprives you of the first of these rights - and is it not plainly the counterpart of this conclusion, that you have no enjoyment of the other? By the Constitution of the State, every Elector is eligible to the office of Assemblyman and Senator. You are not willing, that, that sacred instrument should be violated in the least degree. But see how far its provisions in this respect are carried into effect under the Caucus system. Did not the two nominating conventions, that immediately preceded the last election in this County, virtually declare all the electors of this County ineligible, for the time being, to the office of members of Assembly, excepting the three presented by one of the conventions for the suffrages of the people and three presented by the oth er? Did the framers of our constitution intend that these rights, so essentially interwoven with the existence of our

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political liberties, should be restricted in this manner and literally done away? If they did, why did they grant them to the people in full and absolute terms? Why were they not chartered to us conditionally? Why were they not originally subjected to such retrenchments and perversions, as might suit the interests and caprices of those officious demagogues and jugglers, who infest every county in the State, and who usually compose large majorities in our nominating conventions? I need not use any arguments to show, that, the Caucus system contravenes alike the spirit and the letter of the constitution. Facts to this end are too palpable, to make this necessary.

I denied, that, I had a substitute for the evils I am complaining of, but I foresee with you all, that "Self Nomination" would be like to obtain in their stead-and it is in vain, that, I have pointed out to you some of the objections to the other modes, if you are left to think that to be still more exceptionable, which would naturally take the place of them-and he must be a great stranger to the Electors of Madison County, who does not know, that, they entertain the strongest dislike to "Self Nomination." I am accordingly under the necessity of exhibiting some of the advantages of this mode, as. I would have you duly influenced by what I have said with respect to the, others. "Self Nomination" is no scheme of my own, nor of any other man; it is a spontaneous offspring of our political contexture, and we shall no sooner be released from the curse of nominating conventions, than we too shall greet its appearance, and have restored to us, under its equitable operations, those constitutional rights, which make freemen of such as exercise them, but, which are the severest reproach upon those, who, like ourselves, neglect and betray them.

If every Elector were willing to discharge the duties of such office, as the voluntary suffrages of the people might confer upon him, "Self Nomination" would be in-

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excusable and unpractised. But as this is not the case, the people, to avoid the hazard of voting for a man, who, after the pains of electing him may decline to serve them, must limit the range of their selection to the number expressly consenting to be candidates for their gifts. Hence in the absence of nominating conventions arises "Self Nomination," and even the necessity of it. I do not mean that "Self Nomination," which consists in a man's parading before the public his pretensions to office; in publishing what great and good things he has done and means to do, if elected - and how strikingly he is exempted from all the errors of the human family - more especially how spotless is the purity of his political orthodoxy. I mean on the contrary, a simple indication of consent to serve the public, in a certain office, unaccompanied by any expressions of desire for it; by the developement or even mention of any conceited claims to it - by the slightest sketch of the candidate's private or public history, or by any intimations and promises with respect to his future political conduct. We have had in this county several instances of that offensive kind of "Self Nomination" to which I here allude, and we were very properly disgusted by them. I particularly regret their occurrence, because they have served to strengthen your prejudices against modes coming under the same name, and which are still so opposite to the impudent display of the other, as to be perfectly compatible with self respect and dignity in the candidate, and unoffending to the nicest sense of modesty. The mode of nomination I would presume to recommend and advise the people to countenance and establish is, that, the person, wishing an elective office, obtain a printer, either personally or through the medium of friends, to publish him as a candidate for the office. His name simply, is before the public without "Republican," "Federalist," "Clintonian," "Bucktail," or any other alluring or repulsive word prefixed to it. The candidate stands

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upon his own merits solely. He is not backed by the authority of a Convention, nor has he to contend against the phalanx of an organized party. He succeeds or fails agreeably to the public opinion of himself considerately and fairly made up. His expectations are grounded solely upon his merits, and it is not with him, as with the candidate under the Caucus system, who argues his destiny from the ebbs and tides of party. If he succeeds he regards himself as an officer and servant of the public, and not as an instrument of a party and with ruling feelings of indebtedness to a party, as is the case with the officer under the Caucus system.

To me, such a mode of the candidate's appearance before the public, is, in every point of view decidedly eligible. How much so upon the score of economy and simplicity! Here the Electors are not called from their homes until the day of the election; here is nothing but a peaceable publication of the name of the candidate - whilst under the Caucus system three or four Conventions in a county, before each election are necessary to inspirit and discipline the parties, and a couple more to make the nominations. The whole county, usually for several weeks, and not unfrequently for several months, immediately prior to each election, is kept in a constant and feverish movement by the exciting contrivances and clamorous industry of the whole tribe of office-seekers and office-holders.

An objection I raised to Nominating Conventions involves a conclusive argument in favor of "Self Nomination." Wherever in our State the prevalence of this mode has not yet supplanted all others, that part of our Constitution which declares generally the eligibility of all the electors to political office, is imperitive, and its righteous practical effects are unenjoyed. There the just and protecting authority of the Constitution is displaced by the dictation of a select few, who are the masters of the people, and who dispose of public favors, as

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suit their own interests and caprices. But "Self Nomination" shuts the door of political preferment against no Elector. Not one of us, however disliked for the modesty of his demeanor, for the purity and firmness of his life by that class of bustling, retail politicians, whose favor under our present system it is indispensably necessary for all to propitiate, who are desirous of political honors; not one of us, however dispised, on account of the poverty of his circumstances, or the small measure of his influence, .but what can solicit the suffrages of his fellow Electors; be heard by them, and be answered with deserved success or deserved defeat. This is liberty - practical liberty. This is that equality of rights of which the humblest American may be justly proud, but the enjoyment of which, the Electors of Madison County, through passiveness or insensibility, or some still more inexcusable cause are willing to forego. It is objected to "Self Nomination" by those amongst us; whose political gains and consequence must generally cease upon the prevalence of it, that, if we allow this mode to prevail amongst us, we may expect to witness those riotous scenes and corrupt practices at our polls, which not unfrequently disgrace the elections in the Southern States, and which are characteristic of the English elections. The "Self Nomination," I am advocating, is very unlike the disgustful measures, which are occasionally adopted by candidates for political offices in the Southern States, and which are so common in England. I have already explained the simple, modest and peaceable kind, which suits my views. That, which the objectors have in their eye, and which they would not have you discriminate from any other under this unfortunately odious name, however widely differing from it, consists in the candidate's haranguing the assembled electors upon the subject of his claims to their favor; in his pledging himself to them to support such measures, as he may conceive to be popular, and to oppose such as he may conceive to be unpop-

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ular, and in his using, in short, all the powers and artifices of his eloquence to move the multitude in his favor; or it is the still more shameless and wicked practice of purchasing suffrages by bribing the Electors with money, and gratifying their vanity and their appetites with splendid and luxurious feasts. That, such corruption exists in England is not to be wondered at; it comports with the numberless evils, that flow from her government and institutions. It must always exist there, whilst her population is divided into lords and vassals. But, it is certainly very much to be regretted, that, there can be found, in any part of the United States, a state of society, which sustains these imported customs; and wherever such a state of society is found, there, depend upon it, is something of the pernicious distinction in population, which I have alluded to, in the case of England, - there is an aristocratic class eliciting the servile adulation and homage of their inferiors, and there is the commonality deficient in intelligence and virtue. I hope, however, that, you are not under the erroneous impression, that, these practices are general in the Southern States. They never have been, and, I trust, they will soon have disappeared entirely before the moral improvement, which is rapidly going on in every part of our land. I must be safe in saying, that, the more common mode of nomination in the Southern States is such or nearly such, as I have been recommending to your adoption. But is it reasonable to apprehend, that, the mode of nomination, I recommend, would degenerate here into the gross practices prevailing at the English elections, and into those violations of' propriety, which, at farthest, are but occasional at the Southern polls. I appeal to your own consciousness, and to the knowledge you have of yourselves. If the independent feelings of patriots, and that sense of equality, which holds up the head of every genuine and conscious Republican, have given place in you, to the fawning, cringing, adulatory spirit of some

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proud aristocrat's retainers; if you are already so sordid and depraved that your hands are itching for golden bribes; or, if to your sensual and vicious minds, your suffrages have become so worthless, that, you are ready to bestow them upon that candidate, who shall ply you most liberally with intoxicating draught, and pamper your gluttonous appetites with the most savory dishes, - then you cannot be too studious to avoid temptations; you cannot maintain too strict a watch over your coarse and criminal propensities. But, even allowing this to be your sad condition, - no argument, surely, can be drawn thence against the introduction of "Self Nomination" amongst us. For you would be no more liable, under this mode of nomination, to an indecent and immoral sacrifice of your elective rights than you are under the mode, which now prevails amongst us. Our candidates under the Caucus system have all the opportunities and facilities, and for aught I can see, all the dispositions to promote their election by means of bribery and corruption, that, they would have, were they Self Nominated. The interested objectors to "Self Nomination" amongst us, are very ready to impute to the operations of this mode, a peculiarly deletrious influence upon the public morals; and they refer you to England and to the Southern States for examples in support of such assertions. I acknowledge, that, these examples impart a specious air to their arguments under this head, but a very little reflection discovers them to be inapplicable and deceptive. There is almost a national difference of character between the people of the Northern and the people of the Southern States, and our state of society must first become like theirs, before the gross customs which often times disgrace their elections, shall obtain amongst us. It is unfair to consider "Self Nomination" in connexion with these reproachable customs, for where they exist, they would equally attend any other mode of nomination. The friends of the Caucus system would

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think me to be no less unfair, were I to declare all the drunkenness and fisticuffs that have disgraced the polls in this state to be the peculiar effects of their mode of nomination. You cannot believe, that, it would revolutionize or at all meliorate the conduct of the Election in the Southern States, to have nominating conventions give them their candidates; nor, when you have reflected upon the subject, will you, on the other hand, suspect for a moment, that, "Self Nomination" amongst us, would attack the decency and order, which characterize our public proceedings. "Self Nomination" in the Southern States, as would be any other mode of nomination there, is not the cause of indelicacy and licentiousness, but merely the occasion, which exhibits those traits of character., those habits of feeling and of thought that so widely distinguish the people of those states from ourselves. If our education and propensities were like theirs, we might, possibly, without the prevalence of "Self Nomination" amongst us, witness an occasional assemblage of our Electors around a cask of whiskey or a roasted ox provided for them by the expectant of their suffrages. But I need say no more upon this subject. You know, that your votes are not to be bought by wines and meats, and you know, that, no candidate for them, could, without outraging your habitual sense of propriety, and falling under your contempt, attempt any species of bribery amongst you, or make a formal and shameless parade of his conceited claims to your high and distinguishing favors.

I am sensible, that it is very difficult, that it will require, indeed, the slow test of experience, as well as many convincing arguments, to overcome all your objections to "Self Nomination," and, yet, I am as confident, that, these objections have grown out of a partial and erroneous view of the subject. Particularly, will you be reluctant to believe, that, it does not imply extraordinary immodesty and vanity in the subject of it. To use the language of a wor-

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thy gentleman in an adjacent county, who, greatly to his credit, has made one of the first attempts to free the enslaved Electors of this State from the shackles of nominating conventions, there is, to us, a "seeming indelicacy" in the mode, and I must confess, that, until I gave my mind to the subject attentively, I thought myself that the mode involved an unpardonable vanity and arrogance, and a total disregard of all delicacy. But so altered now are my opinions with regard to it, or rather so far have my opinions taken the place of my prejudices and hasty impressions, that, the self-nominated candidate, with reference to the manner of nomination merely, is by no means as obnoxious to my suspicions of his integrity and true modesty, as is the candidate under the Caucus system. The desires of the two are the same - Office. The one is frank in the expression of them and he communicates directly with those, who are to elect, or reject him - and they do the one or the other, according to their free and unbiassed estimation of his claims upon them. The other not connecting his hopes of success with his merits, commands the people, through the medium of a corps of partizans, clothed with the strong authority of long established custom, to elect him; and to give him the general character of candidates under this system, no arts are too mean and no deceptions too wicked for him to use towards obtaining his nomination, and consequent election. But even allowing the nomination of the candidate under the Causus system not to be effected by any contrivance or dishonorable measures on his part, yet, I am very much mistaken, if his acceptance is not as positive and unequivocal expression of self confidence in his fitness for the office proposed to him, as is the open and frank request of the candidate under "Self Nomination." It is not for me to accept of a nomination to a certain political office, because, others may pronounce me worthy of it, - but because I perceive in myself a fitness for it. Notwithstand-

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ing, the great respect, that is due to public opinion, yet, in these things, we are to be governed by the opinions we have formed of ourselves, and our determinations are to be made under the paramount influence of self-knowledge. I own, that, to be called to our honors has a meek and comely appearance, and, that, on the other hand, it savors of boldness and impudence to ask for them. But there is a necessity in the case before us, that breaks through the force and escapes the general applicability of this remark. "Self Nomination," as I before remarked, is defensible, upon no other ground, than, that, it is the necessary means of ascertaining the consent of individuals to serve the public; and hence, if the Electors would avoid the risque of throwing away their votes upon persons who would decline their favors, they must confine their selections to the volunteers. Would you oppose "Self Nomination," because of this somewhat offensive agency of the candidate under it? Recollect also, that, under the Caucus system, the candidate is not "called to his honors" by the people, but by a nominating convention; and that he is usually the favorite and kindred spirit of those base creatures, who, for the most part, make up such a convention.

But after all our fastidiousness and complaint about the immodesty of "Self Nomination," do we not daily practice and countenance a thousand similar and still greater departures from that retiring and unpretending deportment, which, when we are talked with about the expediency of "Self Nomination," is, all at once, so indispensable? For instance, one person offers to supply in himsu. a vacant pulpit,-another hangs out his sign for the business of a lawyer, and another publicly professes to under stand the diseases of the human frame. All this gives no offence to the community, in which it takes place. They may be brainless wights too, - and yet they are not cried down, on account of their ignorance and indelicacy. The

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sanction of custom protects them from the charge of vanity. Nor, can you have forgotten the annual flocking under the old Constitution of this State, to our seat of government for the offices of Clerk, of Sheriff, of Judge, and for all the good things, in short, in the gift of the Council of Appointment. These political beggars would frequently busy themselves a whole winter in Albany, in personal and mediate importunities with the members of the Council - return to their homes with wreathed brows and the comforting prospect of wealth; and yet the well known particulars of their indecent conduct would rarely ever excite a suspicion, that, they had transcended the privileges of modest men. So long had the people been accustomed to these improprieties, that, they had ceased to think them such. But, come to "Self Nomination," which, amongst us, has not the defence and supports of custom, and we will be astonished at the inconsistencies, that, flow from our education and habits. Let an individual in a town meeting in this County offer himself for "Path Master" or "Constable," and it will import to the people such a sense of vanity in him, such lofty pretensions, that, they will deny to him the least decency and common sense; and if his presumption rise so high, as that he shall ask of the county to elect him for their Sheriff or Clerk, he immediately sinks before our abhorrent electors, no more to rise from his deep disgrace. And yet how small a measure of knowledge fits a man for the duties of a town or county officer, when compared with the talent and learning essential to the divine, the lawyer and the physician! And yet, how slightly should it offend the sense of modesty to make an open and honorable request for one of these offices, when compared with the mean and disguised attempts for office under the Caucus system, and those still more disagreeable solicitations, which I have just alluded to, as having been practised under the old Constitution, with the members of the Council of Appointment!

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It will be asked, whether it is proposed to have the candidates for our highest elective offices, such as Governor and Lieutenant Governor, self-nominated? It is - so long as our constitution makes these offices elective by the people. For in no other way can that part of our constitution which makes them so, be recovered from the disregard and violation done to it by the Caucus system. Do our people elect their Governor and Lieutenant Governor? No - but they are appointed by our usurping legislature, whose nominations of these officers are tantamount to the election of them. If our Constitution, as do the Constitutions of some other of the States, clothed our legislature with the power to appoint our Governor and Lieutenant Governor, it would perhaps contain another wise provision. It would be presumptuous in me to propose an amendment to our Constitution - and yet my judgment would advise that these officers be mediately elective by the people - that the power to appoint them be given to an electoral college, emanating directly from the people - as should the college, that represents the State in a Presidential election. I am not admitting that "Self Nomination" should not extend to these offices - for I would clearly prefer to have them filled under this mode, rather than by the corrupt and unconstitutional means, to which our chief executive officers owe their promotion. The only objection to "Self Nomination" in this case, is, that the merits of the candidates might not be generally known, and, that, many of the electors, if they voted at all, must do so at random or under false impressions. But, this is not properly an objection to "Self Nomination," but rather to that part of the Constitution which makes these offices elective - for it must be conceded by all, that, "Self Nomination," gives all possible effect to this part of our Constitution, whilst, under the Caucus system, it is not allowed the least operation or respect.

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I need not enumerate any more of the benefits, that will accrue to you under "Self Nomination." Your own reflections will present them all to you. Under the prevalence of that mode, the people of this State will have their elective rights restored to them, and will choose their own rulers, - the councils of this State will change their character and be composed of men, worthy of a free and enlightened people, - and our representatives in the councils of the nation, like those of the Southern States, who are brought into public service and cherished by the same system, will be selections of exalted talents and tried integrity. In short, under the prevalence of "Self Nomination," our demagogues will be stripped of their usurped and full power, and political sovereignty will again reside with the people. I will say no more. It was not my intention when I took up my pen to tax your patience and my own industry to the extent I have done; but, if I have reminded you of any neglected truths, or given even the slightest impulse to your patriotism, here will be an abundant recompense for my disinterested labor, and I shall not need to apologize to you for my prolixity. I am not so vain as to suppose, that, my very imperfect and general discussion of the foregoing topics has wrought any new convictions upon your minds. These sheets will have answered my whole expectation from them, if they but go to make you thoughtful and reasonably apprehensive upon the subject of them, subjects involving so many of your precious rights and sacred duties, and about which it is as criminal as dangerous to be indifferent. I do not ask to exercise your breasts with a new spirit and with new feelings, but only to break the slumbers of those already there. I do not impute to you ignorance and perverseness upon subjects so important and so easy to be understood. It is your carelessness about them which gives alarm. Only bring them home to your just reflections, and give them that habitual and unceasing

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regard to which they are entitled, and your resulting purposes and measures will produce a change in the political aspect of this County, not less immediate than agreeable.

To say of this pamphlet, that, it has been written with feelings of candor and with a sincere, however feeble, endeavor to promote the cause of truth, will not, I am aware, protect it from the malignant abuse of those it exposes, and who thrive under present corrupt and partial system of conferring political offices in this County. By these persons I shall probably be called "some political adventurer who is manoeuvreing to recover himself from his prostration under the present order of things." Be it so even in your opinion, - but do not, in that case, associate the offensive author, with the truths he has written, lest by that means, you diminish the weight and salutary influence of them upon your prejudiced minds. These offended gentlemen, to damn the author most effectually, will, no doubt, resort to the old expedient in such cases of fastening upon him some odious political name, such as "Clintonian," or "Federalist," or "Radical," and leave their dupes to infer of course, that, he is an enemy to the free institutions of his country, - is desirous of doing homage to a king, - of letting go the blessings of liberty for the chains of slavery, and a long string of the like probabilities. I would not be thought to shrink from the stigma of those names, for they are no more unwelcome and offensive to me than are the more popular epithets of "Bucktail," "Republican," and "Regular." If they are not all obsolete, yet to my mind, excepting so far as they import the stale artifices of demagogues, they are all of them wholly unmeaning; - and as little` do our artful politicians raise themselves in my estimation by one of these fortunate names, with which they honor and ingratiate themselves, as do they sink their generally more upright neighbors by attaching to them names out of the unsuccessful, and hence, odious class of political appellations.

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Detestable is the man, who takes to himself a political name, that, it may serve as a passport to your favor and good opinions of him; and as "Republican" is now the enchanting sound amongst us, I must confess, however much to my unpopularity, that, every Convention got up under this auspicious and alluring name; that every individual and forward pretension to the political sentiments it literally implies, involving, as it does, a detraction from the merits and patriotism of others, fills me with disgust. We are all "Republicans," and we all know it too, and for me to attempt to distinguish myself from my neighbor by the assumption of this name is doing him foul injustice,

"A rose by any other name would smell as sweet"

-not so however with our successful politicians, - their fragrance and virtues are confined to their name, - rob them of that, and they are:

"Flung like loathsome weeds away."

I have deviated a little here from the tenor of my remarks, to instance one of the numberless follies and abuses, that are connected with the Caucus system. When party shall have lost its means of organization and concert, in the abolition of nominating conventions; and "Self, Nomination" shall have unbound the wills of the Electors, and returned to the bosoms of them all a sense of their independence on those conventions, then, if I do not greatly mistake, the perpetuity of those unmeaning but charming names will be broken; and, for the future, our political distinctions in name will be as occasional and short lived as are our real differences of political opinion. May the time be near, when the Electors of this County shall have undergone, in this respect, that total change, which is necessary to have them estimate the merits of a politician by looking at the man and not at his name.

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I flatter myself with having improved a favorable season to call up these subjects in your minds and to lead you to estimate the importance of them. The political excitement, spread through the County by the last election, has nearly subsided, and I have a strong persuasion, that, my arguments and opinions will, at the present time, be dispassionately and fairly considered by all of you, - even by those, who, a few months since, would have repelled such an approach to their understandings at the threshold of violent and unrestrained feeling, - this much I expect of you, and I have a right to demand it. I ask no more of you, than to have you determine, in all the wisdom of your minds and in all the honesty of your hearts, what duties devolve upon you as an integral part of the sovereignty of this nation, - as depositories and guardians of those political rights, acquired for you by the blood and toils of your forefathers, and as recipients of all those blessings connected with a free government and which flow from no other, - and when you have determined these duties, be careful to perform them.

JUVENIS.